ANTIQUAE MUSICAE LIBRI 1 Historiae Liturgical Chant for Offices of the Saints in the Middle Ages ANTIQUAE MUSICAE LIBRI 1 Historiae Liturgical Chant for Offices of the Saints in the Middle Ages ANTIQUAE MUSICAE LIBRI Comitato editoriale della collana Marco Gozzi direttore Giacomo Baroffio Giulia Gabrielli David Hiley Silvia Tessari Historiae Liturgical Chant for Offices of the Saints in the Middle Ages Proceedings of the conference Venice, Italy, 26-29 January 2017 edited by David Hiley with Luisa Zanoncelli, Susan Rankin, Roman Hankeln and Marco Gozzi Edizioni Fondazione Levi Venezia 2021 Historiae Liturgical Chant for Offices of the Saints in the Middle Ages FONDAZIONE UGO E OLGA LEVI PER GLI STUDI MUSICALI ONLUS Consiglio di Amministrazione Davide Croff Presidente Luigi Brugnaro Paolo Costa Fortunato Ortombina Giovanni Giol Nicola Greco Vicepresidente Giancarlo Tomasin Revisori dei Conti Raffaello Martelli Presidente Chiara Boldrin Maurizio Messina Comitato scientifico Roberto Calabretto Presidente Sandro Cappelletto Dinko Fabris Laurent Feneyrou Cormac Newark Paolo Troncon Marco Tutino Paula Varanda Vasco Zara Collaboratori alla redazione Kathryn Puffett Claudia Canella Progetto grafico Karin Pulejo In copertina Fondo Antico, Lat. Z. 506 (=1611), fol. 91v, particolare Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venezia su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. Divieto di riproduzione This publication has been supported by Staff Ilaria Campanella Claudia Canella Alessandro Marinello Fabio Naccari Anna Rosa Scarpa Archivio Giovanni Morelli Paola Cossu Laura Desideri Francesco Verona Valeria Zane Angelina Zhivova Presentation Davide Croff IX Foreword 3 The Office in Carolingian hands Susan Rankin 33 Theology and teleology in the festal Night Office: what performance directions reveal about the design and experience of historiae Henry Parkes 57 Literary and musical borrowing in a versified office for St Donatus of Arezzo Benjamin Brand 73 On the hermeneutics and function of saints’ offices: observations and questions Harald Buchinger 91 Music and text in saints’ offices: two approaches Roman Hankeln 135 Emotion and human identification in medieval saints’ offices: a response to Roman Hankeln Nils Holger Petersen 145 A web-based interface for the computational analysis and recognition of interval patterns in chants from late medieval saints’ offices Morné Bezuidenhout and Mark Brand 165 Working with the research legacy of Andrew Hughes Kate Helsen 179 Medieval offices from Ghent and Cambrai: some ways of interpreting their melodies Barbara Haggh-Huglo Impaginazione Patrizia Cecilian, Karin Pulejo Direttore e direttore della Biblioteca Giorgio Busetto Collaboratori Margherita Olivieri Camilla Zennaro VII © 2021 by FONDAZIONE LEVI S. Marco 2893, Venezia Tutti i diritti riservati per tutti i paesi edizione on-line https://www.fondazionelevi.it/editoria/historiae/ ISBN 978 88 7552 063 2 223 Geography and historiography in early West Frankish historiae (750-950) Jean-François Goudesenne 247 The seven historiae for the medieval cathedral of Trier: a conservative point of view Danette Brink 261 Saints’ offices in Austria Robert Klugseder 273 Historiae in the Central European area: repertorial layers and transmission in Bohemia, Poland and Hungary Zsuzsa Czagány 297 Late liturgical offices in Aquileian manuscripts Jurij Snoj 315 Research on historiae in Italy: desiderata and opportunities Marco Gozzi 333 The offices of the saints Adalbert, Hedwig and Stanislaus in Trent: a history of exclusion Cesarino Ruini 339 Historiae in the South Tyrol: competing influences and historical developments in local chant composition Gionata Brusa and Giulia Gabrielli 373 The office of St Eusebius of Vercelli from the eleventh to the twentieth century: prolegomena to an edition Stefania Vitale 405 Abbreviations 407 Bibliography 448 Index of primary sources 459 Index of chants 469 Program of the meeting Davide Croff Presentation The volume presented here is dedicated to a conference concerning a great phenomenon of religiousness and the relative music of the Middle Ages, which, in many cases, dates back to the eighth century, if not beyond: compositions dedicated to the life of the saints and the chants that accompany them, an immeasurable heritage which, in its entirety, is one of the characterizing elements of European identity. The conference promoted by David Hiley and Luisa Zanoncelli, organised in Venice by the Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi, has then produced the enhancement of a specific research theme under the guidance of Marco Gozzi, University of Trento: the Italian Historiae, thanks to special funding from the Levi Foundation. A special research group, which he leads, continues the research on the Italian side, getting – we are sure – new important results. Currently, the new series «Antiquae musicae books», directed by Marco Gozzi with the collaboration of Giacomo Baroffio, David Hiley, Giulia Gabrielli, and Silvia Tessari, intends to promote a number of publications on this theme, starting precisely with this present volume. For this, we would like to thank, along with the people already mentioned here, Fritz Thyssen Stiftung of Cologne, who supported the conference and the present publication of the proceedings. Once again, therefore, the approach taken by the Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi is to encourage the advancement of research by never resting at one single result but by continuing to explore new methods and obtain new results which are then shared in publications as well as in open access on-line at the LEVIdata database, where its diffusion is guaranteed. VII David Hiley Luisa Zanoncelli, Susan Rankin, Roman Hankeln, Marco Gozzi Foreword The papers published in this volume were first presented at a conference generously hosted by the Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi in Venice, 26–29 January 2017, under the rubric “Historiae – A meeting to survey the repertory, define important research topics and identify directions for future investigation”. The attendance of the delegates was substantially assisted by a grant from the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, Cologne, and the Stiftung has also generously supported the publication of this volume. The organizers of the conference and the editors of these proceedings wish to express their sincere gratitude to both foundations. We are also much indebted to Kathryn Puffett for help with text-editing and to Karin Pulejo and Patrizia Cecilian for design and layout. It has long been recognized that historiae constitute an immense and manysided area of research, offering numerous opportunities for new findings and interpretations. The Venice conference aimed to survey the repertory and define its chief characteristics, identify topics that needed closer investigation and suggest directions for future research. The Latin texts of nearly 800 historiae were published in volumes of Analecta Hymnica, about 20,000 individual chants. But AH published only offices with verse texts, mostly from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries. Many earlier historiae with prose texts survive, at least 200, so that the number of individual chants probably surpasses 25,000. Not all have survived with music, but they still constitute an immense challenge to musicological research. Most historiae were composed for saints with a local cult and were not known outside a small area. Others were widely popular (for example Catherine, Nicholas, Thomas of Canterbury, Francis and Dominic). Some saints were given different historiae in different places (Mary Magdalene). After the establishment of a calendar of saints following a basically Roman model, new saints offices were added throughout the Middle Ages. No other type of chant composition expanded so continuously and so widely as the historia. The importance of the historiae is manifold: - Their musical style did not remain constant. Changes over time and different preferences from place to place may be observed. In conservative offices IX HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES FOREWORD elements of ‘classical Gregorian’ practice may be retained, while in progressive pieces a quite new organization of tonal space and ‘un-Gregorian’ turns of phrase are employed, possibly reflecting music-theoretical thought. Their Latin texts are composed in a variety of forms, including prose, alliterative prose, metrical verse and rhythmical, rhymed verse. Conservative and progressive trends may be seen here as well as in the melodies. The texts may be closely related to the vita of the saint. Historiae answer the need to venerate saints through liturgical forms. The veneration of saints was of overwhelming importance in the life of medieval people. Historiae are its ritual expression. The creation of a new historia was often bound up with the desire to enhance the importance of the institution that commissioned it. The circumstances under which the new work was made therefore reflect issues in local ecclesiastical politics. The authors/composers of many historiae are known by name, also the circumstances under which the work was made. In some cases the same author/composer made both the vita and the historia of the saint. the office in the eighth and ninth centuries. In the papers by Henry Parkes, Benjamin Brand, Roman Hankeln and Nils Holger Petersen the liturgical matrix of the new offices is considered, and also the narrative aspect (‘history’) of the chant cycles and their function as a source of theological meaning. Hagiography, spirituality, church history and politics are recurrent topics. The huge size of the repertory is a problem, and the creation of databases, including the encoding of melodies, has tackled some of the difficulties in keeping a sense of perspective. Computer-aided musical analysis is an important focus of discussion. These issues are addressed in the papers by Morné Bezuidenhout and Mark Brand, and Kate Helsen. A number of papers are devoted to specific historiae from selected areas of medieval Europe. These are seen from several of points of view, both musical and contextual. The venue of the conference naturally suggested a concentration on historiae in Italy. The papers by Barbara Haggh-Huglo, Jean-François Goudesenne, Danette Brink, Robert Klugseder, Zsuzsa Czagány and Jurij Snoj look at transalpine historiae, while cisalpine offices are discussed by Marco Gozzi, Cesarino Ruini, Gionata Brusa and Giulia Gabrielli, and Stefania Vitale. Only a part of this immense musical repertoire has been researched and edited, in studies ranging from scholarly articles to full-scale editions including prayers and lessons (for example in the series Historiae, published for the Study Group ‘Cantus Planus’ of the International Musicological Society). In a few cases a whole book has been written about a single historia, and there is ample room for further studies of this type and scope. A research project at Regensburg University, financed by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft 1996-1999, transcribed and analysed the melodies of 120 historiae (about 3000 chants), and some of its results have been published. The late Andrew Hughes (Toronto) devoted many years to the study of offices written for St Thomas of Canterbury; two volumes have appeared so far. Hughes also worked for decades on the repertory of verse offices and published four volumes of catalogues and systematic information. In some important musical centres historiae for more than one saint were composed, and a number of significant publications edit a whole group of offices, for example the late Giulio Cattin’s Musica e liturgia a San Marco, with editions of sixteen offices. Giacomo Baroffio and Eun Ju Kim edited nine offices in Historiae Sanctorum. Offici liturgici medioevali da codici italiani. An even greater number, twenty-two historiae from North France dating from the ninth to eleventh centuries, were edited in the dissertation of Jean-François Goudesenne. The present volume, like the 2017 conference, aims to reflect the many dimensions of the subject. It begins with Susan Rankin’s discussion of the early history of Three websites are associated with the conference and the present publication. Marco Gozzi is developing a project devoted to further research on Italian historiae (www.fondazionelevi.it/ricerca/historiae-italiane/). David Hiley prepared an index to the sources used for historiae edited in Analecta Hymnica (https://www.fondazionelevi.it/editoria/historiae/). Giacomo Baroffio placed his comprehensive index of historiae in Italy at the disposal of the conference (also now accessible at www.fondazionelevi.it/ricerca/historiae-italiane/). - - - - X We are naturally aware that the present contributions to our knowledge of historiae are modest, in view of the extent of the repertory. They may nevertheless help focus attention on topics demanding further research and serve as a point of reference for future studies. XI Susan Rankin University of Cambridge The Office in Carolingian Hands With its many rubbed holes, marks from rusted paper clips, and, above all, its fragmentary state (consisting of two full folios, each with now about a quarter of the other side of a bifolium), the parchment leaves now catalogued as Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln Fragm. B140 and B141 are quite typical of the material on which a scholar interested in liturgy for the Divine Office in the pre- and early Carolingian periods is compelled to work (Bischoff Katalog I, no. 1955).1 Before ‘C’ – as Hesbert christened the beautiful antiphoner made by the court school of Charles the Bald in the 870s (now F-Pn lat. 17436 fols. 31-107)2 – there is no other extant full book of office chants, although a list of antiphons and responsories organized by feast and made at Prüm in the mid-ninth century is of considerable interest and deserves a proper edition (D-TRs 1245/597, fols. 107-129; Bischoff Katalog III, no. 6195; see also Haubrichs 1979). Beyond this, for the period before 850, the largest number of folios coming from one book is ten: in this case from a book including readings as well as chants (F-Pn n.a.l. 2477, fols. 26-30; Bischoff Katalog III, no. 5145),3 thus an early example of the breviary type of book. This is more or less legible in some parts. A fragment in Disentis consists of one bifolium (CH-D Stiftsarchiv Fragm. 22; Bischoff Katalog I, no. 1022); after this there are scraps of one folio, or a half folio, or even just one side of a folio, as in the case of a notated fragment now in Oxford (GB-Ob Auct. F.4.26; Bischoff Katalog II, no. 3773), which is thoroughly glued to the front of the book where it has been used as a pastedown. For the period between 850 and 900 the situation is not much improved: the most extensive fragments are those in Leiden, with three bifolios (NL-Lu BPL 25, fols. 1, 42-43; Bischoff Katalog II, no. 2135); then material from one book now divided between Munich and Vienna, with a total of six folios (D-Mbs cgm 1. For this and other fragments of office books copied before 900 I will cite only Bischoff’s catalogue, which itself leads to other important bibliography on individual sources, including Codices latini antiquiores (CLA) and Codices liturgici latini antiquiores (CLLA). 2. Edited as “C” in Hesbert, CAO. For a full description of this manuscript see Koehler and Mütherich 1982, 47-52, 127-132. For further consideration of how the book was used see Colette 2003. 3. For origin and date Bischoff suggests Tours, second quarter of the ninth century. 3 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN 6943, endleaves, and A-Wn ser. nov. 3645; Bischoff Katalog II, no. 2918),4 a fragment of eight folios – much largely illegible – now in the Bibliothèque Ste Geneviève in Paris (F-Psg 223, endleaves; Bischoff Katalog III, no. 5166), and finally parts of four folios in the Dombibliothek in Hildesheim (MS 651, endleaves; Bischoff Katalog I, no. 1535). Excepting this last example, all of these fragments from books made in the second half of the century are notated.5 which change could be effected are known through the writings of Carolingian scholars and liturgists: Helisachar, Amalarius, Agobard, Gottschalk.7 Yet, while much is known of the ways in which these figures attempted to improve the office liturgy and why, neither Amalarius, Agobard, nor Gottschalk can be shown to have had any widespread influence. Amalarius’s proposals for the antiphoner – concerned with the choice and ordering of chants – were not adopted by any identified centre; Agobard was able to drive through fairly extreme reforms, but only in the church of Lyon and in churches to the south; Gottschalk’s grammatical work was probably not diffused outside of the monastery where he was imprisoned. In the case of Helisachar we know the result he worked for (sorting out the relation between responsories and verses and getting a suitable point for the responsory’s repetendum),8 but little further about what he actually achieved. That is, we can hear a great deal of rhetoric about what ought to happen, without knowing much about what was really going on. That is why my work for this study depends on extant manuscript sources of office chants dated before 900. A list of those I am currently aware of is provided in Appendix 1. The number of survivals is miniscule compared to what must once have existed, since every priest needed to have a book of office chants. So it is difficult to be more than tentative about any conclusions, while much of what it is possible to find out depends on very detailed analysis of individual manuscript sources, and is of course limited by the specifically local nature of those sources. What I have attempted to do in this study is to review the content of the earliest sources (in relation to saints’ feasts), as a way of trying to grasp how Carolingian reforms affected office chants: put most bluntly, is the Gregorian tradition the outcome of Frankish work on Roman materials? It has also been my object to reflect more widely on Carolingian practice, so I include some remarks on the transmission of hagiographical materials, another significant element in the evidence for Carolingian practice concerning saints’ offices. The framework of the Divine Office, divided into a series of separate ‘hours’ and organized around psalm singing, was certainly well established in the eighth century. It took two forms – the secular office associated with Rome, and monastic offices, described in a series of monastic Rules. An important corrective to the picture this might suggest is that we know that many monasteries were still using the Roman office in this period: it was only after the councils held at Aachen in the years 816-819, led by Benedict of Aniane, that cathedral and monastic usages became so contrasted, as monasteries were commanded to follow the Benedictine Rule.6 So we have a good sense of the foundation of office liturgy as it was inherited by the early Carolingians in the mid-eighth century. We also know a great deal about how that framework was actually filled out one hundred years later, in the 860s and 870s: as a representative of a stage to which the liturgy of the office, more precisely its chant content, had been brought, the antiphoner made by the Charles the Bald court school, F-Pn lat. 17436, is an extremely useful example. The extent to which antiphoners made hundreds of years later still exemplify more or less the same practice as is recorded in this book underlines the degree to which convergence had been achieved by the third quarter of the ninth century. Under the banner of ‘correctio’, the need to address God in a correct way, Carolingian reformers had produced some kind of model (or a series of models) that must have been quickly and widely adopted. Of course, given the local or regional nature of many saints’ cults, it is in the domain of offices for saints’ feasts that the greatest amount of variation between post-Carolingian office books can be seen: about this I shall say more below. What remains less clear than the result of reform – a rather refined liturgy reflected in C – is the detail of what reached the Carolingians: with what chants, with what kind of books, with what sameness from one establishment to another, or from one year to the next, the office hours were celebrated. These are the areas of knowledge I shall try to probe in this study. Some of the ways in 4. These are studied in Unterkircher 1985. 5. For new lists of surviving material notated in the ninth century see Rankin 2018; for books of office chants see Table 13 (pp. 152-153). 6. For a recent study of the history of the office in this period see Billett 2014, chapter 2, ‘The Divine Office in the Latin West in the Early Middle Ages’. 4 – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS ∂ The earliest extant collection of office chants for the Roman liturgy is in a group of fragments identified by Bischoff when preparing the relevant CLA volume and then written up by the Benedictine manuscript scholar Alban Dold:9 I do not know whether Dom Hesbert was aware of these five strips from two folios; in any case, the material is so fragmentary as to be of no use 7. On the first three see Huglo 2004, no. XI. On Gottschalk see the edition by Lambot 1945, 427-459, and Rankin 2016. 8. On this see especially Levy 1998. 9. CLA VII, no. 996; Dold 1940. 5 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN in creating a grand geographical narrative of the kind he favoured. Unlike almost every other early fragment of office liturgy, however, these can be dated and placed in a named location. Their scribe wrote a distinctive Alemannic minuscule, which has been traced in a whole series of books, in several of which he also inscribed his name. Winithar can be found in many books still at Sankt Gallen,10 copying out an etymological wordlist (Stiftsbibliothek [CHSGs] 238), works by Caesarius of Arles and Isidore (CH-SGs 194), Jerome’s commentary on the psalms (CH-SGs 109), or passages of biblical books (CHSGs 2). Apart from the fact that he copied and signed several charters, his name is easily found, since he often identified himself within passages he copied. One of the longest personal subscriptions appears at the end of CHSGs 238 (p. 493): feast, followed by five antiphons for Lauds. In terms of the chants present, and the order of their singing, there is nothing very surprising here: all of the five Lauds antiphons are known from later books, and all are used in Lauds in one or more of the twelve CAO manuscripts. The order of Lauds antiphons in the eleventhcentury Verona antiphoner (I-VEcap XCVIII) corresponds directly to this Sankt Gallen set,12 while the order in C is not far distant (see Table 2). The four responsories are all present elsewhere, but without any useful matching of order.13 deo et christo gloria . quia explicit liber quem winitharius peccator et inmerito ordinatus presbiter scripsit . ex suo proprio labore deo auxiliante perfecit et non est hic nec unus folius quem ille de suo labore non adquississet aut comparando aut mendicando . et non est in hoc libro unus apex aut iota una quem manus eius non [pinxisset].11 – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS Table 1. Content of Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 1399.a.2 fol. 1r [Purification Night Office] CAO R Responsum acceperat V Lumen ad reuelationem 7537 R Tolle puerum 7768 V Venit angelus R Adorna thalamum V Accipiens Simeon R Simeon iustus V Responsum accepit 7666 fol. 1v [Purification Lauds] Winithar was active at the abbey of Saint Gall in the third quarter of the eighth century: he was copying charters in the early 760s, became decanus of the abbey in 766, and must have lived until at least 768. Most of his work as a scribe was dedicated to the copying of biblical and patristic texts: the only liturgical material in his hand is the office book, represented by fragments. What we can learn from the extant evidence of his work is that he was very active and skilled as a scribe, and that his primary aim was to build up the abbey’s library, providing those kinds of texts required for study and daily reading. His production of liturgical books might well have been more abundant, but they could then have been discarded once new copies were made in later times. This is the sense in which liturgical books are vulnerable: since they are above all for a defined practical use, whether preparing for or actually performing worship, they can always lose value when superseded, in a way in which a psalm commentary or a Latin vocabulary will not. The content of both folios – now divided into five strips – is shown in Table 1; a full transcription of the texts on these fragments is given in Appendix 2. The first folio includes four responsories for the Night Office of the Purification A Responsum accipiet A Accipiens Simeon Ps Dominus regnauit Ps Iubilate 4639 1233 A Tolle puerum Ps Deus deus meus 5156 A Reuertere 4647 Ps Benedicite A Obtulerunt pro eo 4104 fol. 2v [Quinquagesima Lauds] A Secundum magnitudine Ps Miserere mei deus 4846 A Deus meus es tu Ps Confitemini domino 2175 A Ad te de luce 1254 Ps Deus deus meus A Himnum dicite 3154 fol. 2r [?Dom. II Quadragesima] A Tolle arma tua V Cumque uenatu 7767 A Benedixit isac iacob dicens (6601) 10. On the secure identification of these liturgical fragments as written by Winithar (against the claim “nicht auszuschließen”) see Maag 2014, 37; she provides the most detailed published survey of Winithar’s work (36-48). 11. Glory to God and Christ, for here ends the book that Winithar, sinner and unworthily ordained priest wrote and completed by his own work with God’s help, and there is not one folio here that he did not obtain by his own work, either by buying or by begging, and in this book there is not one apex or iota that he did not paint with his own hand. 6 12. See Hesbert, CAO I, “V”. 13. The two other groups of sources included in this table are monastic, edited in Hesbert, CAO II, “H/R” = Hartker antiphoner, CH-SGs 390/391 and CH-Zz Rheinau 28; D = F-Pn lat. 17296, from Saint Denis. 7 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN Table 2. Lauds antiphons for Purification in Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 1399.a.2 compared to other early sources SG V C H/R D A Responsum accipiet 1 1 2 1 A Accipiens Simeon 2 2 3 3 A Tolle puerum 3 7 - - A Reuertere 4 3 - - A Obtulerunt pro eo 5 4 - 5 What is most interesting here is not the identity of the chants copied, however, but the detail of their texts. In the responsory Simeon iustus, the Winithar fragment preserves a text very close to its biblical source: R Simeon iustus et timoratus expectans redimpcionem israel V Responsum accepit simeon ab spirito sancto non uisurum se mortem nisi prius uidiret christum domini. Luke 2:25-26 Simeon iustus et timoratus expectans consolationem israel et responsum acceperat ab spiritu sancto non uisurum se mortem nisi prius uideret christum domini. The later version of this responsory, as represented in C and then in many other manuscripts,14 has the added phrase “et spiritus sanctus erat in eo”. Symeon iustus et timoratus expectans redemptionem israhel et spiritus sanctus erat in eo. The most extensive example of Carolingian editorial work revealed by this first folio is the treatment of the responsory Adorna thalamum. Here it is the penultimate responsory before Lauds, whereas in the Carolingian tradition represented by the manuscripts edited in CAO this is always the first responsory of the Night Office on the Purification feast. On the way to being placed at the head of the series what must have been a much older piece was radically shortened. CH-SGs 1399.a.2 R Adorna talamum tuum sion et suscipe regem christum amplectare maria qui est celestis porta. ipsa enim portat regem gloriae nobis luminis subsistit uirgo adducit in manibus filium ante luciferum quem accipiens simion in ulnis suis. predicauit populus domini esse uite mortis et saluatorem mundi V Accipiens simeon puerum in manibus gracias agens benedixit dominum C (F-Pn lat. 17436 fol. 43r) 14. C fol. 43r; for other manuscript sources see Hesbert, CAO IV, no. 7666. 8 – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS R. Adorna thalamum tuum Sion et suscipe regem Christum quem uirgo concepit uirgo peperit uirgo post partum quem genuit adorauit. V. Accipiens Symeon puerum in manibus gratias agens benedixit dominum. The longer version represented among Winithar’s office chants survived as a processional antiphon, copied in books of chants of the mass.15 I imagine that whatever way the older responsory was sung was preserved for its use as a processional antiphon, but there is no actual written evidence available. The content of the other fragments, amounting to about half of a folio, begins with antiphons that correspond directly to those for Lauds on Quinquagesima Sunday in later sources; whether or not they were always for that Sunday I cannot say, but the group is extremely stable, unchanged in eleven of Hesbert’s twelve sample manuscripts for CAO (see Table 3). Table 3. Content of CH-SGs 1399.a.2, fol. 2v compared to other early sources [Quinquagesima LAUDS] C+5 mss H+4 mss CAO A Secundum magnitudine 1 1 4846 A Deus meus es tu 2 2 2175 A Ad te de luce 3 3 1254 A Himnum dicite 4 4 3154 The other side of the folio is more puzzling. Here there are two responsories, both well known, albeit one normally in a shorter version, without the introductory “Benedixit isac iacob dicens” which appears here: R Tolle arma tua pharetra et arcum et adfer de uenacione tua ut cummedam et benedicat te anima mea V Cumque uenatu aliquid adtuleris fac mihi inde pulmentum ut commedam et benedicat te anima mea R Benedixit isac iacob dicens . ecce odor filii mei sicut odor agri pleni quem benedixit dominus crescere te fa[ciat deus meus sicut arena maris […]16 A greater challenge to understanding the festal use of these responsories is the fact that in later books both are linked with the second Sunday of Lent: indeed, these are the responsories placed as first and second for that Sunday in ten of 15. B-Br 10127-10144, fol. 95v (ca. 800); F-Pn lat. 12050, fol. 5v (ca. 853); F-Pn lat. 17436, fols. 7v-8r. 16. This shares text with CAO 6601: “Ecce odor filii mei sicut odor agri pleni quem benedixit dominus crescere te faciat deus meus sicut harena maris et donet tibi de rore caeli benedictionem”. 9 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Hesbert’s twelve manuscripts. That is, if these were intended in Winithar’s book for Quadragesima II, then an enormous amount of material is missing between the Quinquagesima antiphons and these. Even if the ferial chants in between were not present, there would still need to be Ash Wednesday and then the first Sunday of Lent, all of which could not possibly have been written on the intervening half page. Thus, either these responsories were for an earlier feast, or Winithar’s book was not complete, or not made in the same way as later books. Whichever of these hypotheses we might adopt, it is plain that to get from such a model of the office liturgy as Winithar copied out to what the Carolingians managed to put in place by the middle of the ninth century at the latest was no straightforward exercise of passing on an inherited and recorded liturgy; rather, the preparation of books of office chants involved a great deal of work. This must have proceeded in at least three layers of intervention: first, many of the chants were textually recast, up to the level of extensive alteration, as shown in Adorna thalamum, Simeon iustus and Benedixit Isaac. Second, orthography and grammatical expression were tightened up according to new standards: comparison of Winithar’s version of Adorna thalamum with those in later books provides a very good example of what was achieved in this regard. Third, a chant could be moved to a different position in the liturgy. Such moving around of chants is hardly news to anyone familiar with office liturgy, and Amalarius talked about it constantly: but examination of the Winithar fragment and its juxtaposition to later sources is the first point at which we can see how deliberate repositioning of chants can be used in order to give the liturgy a specific shape. In view of the meagreness of the surviving pieces of parchment from a collection of chants written out by the priest-monk Winithar, the amount of information that can be drawn out of the material may seem surprising. Nonetheless, there is at least one further category of change between this and the liturgy put in place by Carolingians cantors and liturgical scholars that was not represented in this eighth-century record. This category I would represent as the simple throwing away of earlier material. In his study of the chants written out in a list circa 800, now in Lucca Biblioteca capitolare 490 (fols. 30v-31r), Michel Huglo (1951) pointed out a series of chants that did not turn up in later Gregorian books, although they might be found in Beneventan manuscripts: among these he named the responsories Ambulate per portas, Saluatorem mundi quem expectamus and Salutis nostre redemptor cito. Such cases can be replicated through many of the early fragments: in the Disentis bifolium mentioned above a series of responsories drawn from books of the Old Testament includes one from Esther, two from Esdras (Nehemiah), and one from Maccabees. 10 RANKIN – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS [De Esther] R Spem in alium numquam habui praeter in te deus israel qui irasceris et propitius eris et omnia peccata hominum in tribulatione dimittis. V Adiuua nos deus salutaris noster propter honorem nominis tui domine libera nos . qui irasceris (CAO 7684). [De Esdra] R Memento mei deus in bono et ne deleas miserationes meas quas feci in domo dei mei et in ceremoniis eius. V Memento uerbi tui seruo tuo domine in quo mihi spem dedisti . et ne deleas (CAO 7142). R Commedite pinguia et bibite mustum et mittite partes eis qui non preparauerunt sibi sanctus enim dies domini est nolite contristari gaudium etenim domini est fortitudo nostra. V Uiriliter agite & confortetur cor uestrum omnes qui speratis in domino . gaudium etenim. [De Machabeis] R Adaperiat dominus cor uestrum in lege sua et in preceptis suis . et faciat pacem in diebus nostris concedat uobis salutem et redimat uos a malis. V Exaudiat dominus orationes uestras reconcilietur uobis nec uos deserat in tempore malo (CAO 6028). Leaving aside the fact only one or two responsories are drawn from each biblical book (rather than a series), one of these responsories – Comedite pinguia17 – does not appear in any later office books, at least not in any of which I am aware. This may of course be the same chant as appears later in books of mass chants, as a communion antiphon – although this is not one of those communions for Thursdays in Lent about which James McKinnon wrote.18 Whether or not this office responsory survived in a different setting, it was certainly abandoned from the office liturgy. Bernhard Bischoff dated this Disentis fragment in the second quarter of the ninth century. There are many more examples of the removal of chants: some can be traced from a chant book fragment to what might be termed sources peripheral to the region of Roman-Frankish dominance, including the Mozarabic liturgy, or Alcuin’s York florilegium, the De laude dei.19 But many just sank without further trace. On a folio copied in the first quarter of the ninth century and preserved as an endleaf in D-Sl Cod. Bibl. 2o 65 (fol. 49r; Bischoff Katalog III, no. 6047), there are chants for the period before Christmas, and then for Christmas Day itself. Chants for Vespers on Christmas Eve sit between the O-antiphons and responsories for the Christmas Night Office: 17. Nehemiah 8:10 with a verse from Ps 30:25. 18. McKinnon cites the Communion Comedite pinguia as proper to one of the September Ember days: see McKinnon 2000, 348-349. 19. On this see Rankin 2013, 245 and 252. 11 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES ANtIphONE AD uESpErAS IN pSALmIS A A Uobis qui timetis dominum orietur sol iusticia.20 Crastina erit uobis salus cum inclaruerit sol de cælo et uidebitis regem regum et gaudebit cor uestrum.21 A Quoniam iustus dominus noster et ecce ueniet cum in die crastina saluos faciæt. A Propter sion non tacebo donec egrediatur ut splendor iustus eius.22 A Uidebunt gentes iustum tuum et uocabitur tibi nomen nouum quod os domini nominauit.23 VR Crastina die delebitur [iniquitas terrae …].24 Table 4. Antiphons for Vespers on Christmas Eve in the twelve manuscripts edited in CAO C E/M/ V H R 4 1 1 Rex pacificus 1 2 Magnificatus est 2 3 Scitote quia prope AN Ioseph fili david noli timere accipere mariam coniugem tuam quod enim in ea natum de spiritu sancto est.25 A Dum ortus fuerit sol de cælo uidebitis regem regum procedentem a patre tamquam sponsum de talamo suo.26 Leuate capite Based on Malachi 4:2: “Et orietur vobis timentibus nomen meum sol iustitiae”. CAO 4400. 23. Isaiah 62:2, which is used in full in a responsory (CAO 7854): “Uidebunt gentes iustum tuum et cuncti reges inclytum et uocabitur tibi nomen nouum quod os domini nominauit”. 24. CAO 7998. 25. CAO 3507, with a closing “alleluia”. 26. CAO 2462; in this manuscript, “ regem regum” is written as “regem regem”. 27. See <http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/home/> 28. See Hesbert, CAO I, 18a, and II, 18. In the table “Ev” indicates “in euangelio”. 12 THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS Orietur sicut sol 21. A cento, based on I Samuel 11:9: “cras erit vobis salus cum incaluerit sol”; I Samuel 12:17: “et videbitis, quia grande malum feceritis vobis in conspectu Domini, petentes super vos regem”; and Isaiah 66:14, “videbitis et gaudebit cor vestrum”. CAO 1941 is merely the shortened “Crastina erit vobis salus, dicit dominus deus exercituum”. 22. – IN EuANgELIum Four of these antiphons are not recorded in either CAO or the Cantus database.27 The history of this particular liturgical office is not especially stable, as a table of the Vespers chants in CAO demonstrates (see Table 4). Manuscript C has no entry for this office, and there is little regularity among the other manuscript sources assembled in CAO, other than the fact of sharing a pool of chants, and the use of either Dum ortus fuerit or Cum esset as the antiphon in evangelio.28 Not only does the Stuttgart folio use a different antiphon in evangelio, but, in addition, it shares only one antiphon with this long list of seventeen present in the later sources. Of course, I have no idea about the background to the four chants not known elsewhere: they could be a group of local compositions rather than part of an older Roman tradition in the sense that Winithar’s Adorna thalamum can be understood as Roman. To this extent such unusual chants leave a puzzle. Yet there are a good many examples of chants that turn up in two or three sources, often from quite different parts of Europe – implying some antiquity – and which are no longer present in the Roman-Frankish rendition of chant. 20. RANKIN G B 1 2 2 3 S 2 1 5 L 2 2 1 4 3 6 Dum ortus 3 3 Ev Ev 4 4 3 1 5 1 Ev Ev 3 Completi sunt Ev Ev 5 Iudea et Ierusalem Ev Hodie scietis 2 O Iuda 5 Ecce completa sunt Ev Ev 4 Intuemini 3 Bethleem 4 Ioseph fili David 5 Gaude et letare F 4 Sanctificamini Cum esset D 5 4 Nevertheless, what can be perceived through the comparison of such early manuscript material with manuscripts of the later, more stable, Roman-Frankish tradition is clear evidence of a general pattern of correcting and improving. Rarely are the changes very fundamental or extensive, but they do affect every aspect of chant delivery, from the exact wording and length of a passage to be sung to the organization of a series of chants in a specific office. It is evident that, at some point between 750 and 850, the office chants were subjected to a fairly comprehensive review. That such a review was necessary, but had not been carried out before, let us say, 800, is surely to be deduced from the periods when Helisachar et al. were writing – Helisachar himself probably writing in the 810s, Amalarius circa 830, and Agobard in the late 830s. ∂ 13 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN With this evidence of the types of changes made to office chants between 800 and 850, I now move on to the examination of a pair of fragments whose content may throw light on the process of achieving change in order to improve and correct. Two separate parchment fragments – each consisting of a full folio and part of another – now in the Historisches Archiv of Cologne (Fragm. B140 and B141) are written in a distinctive script, now known as ‘Corbie a-b’ script. This is a special kind of pre-Caroline script found in thirty-nine manuscripts that can be associated predominantly with the abbey of Saint Pierre de Corbie [Bishop 1990]. The a-b script seems to have been written there in parallel with a newer Caroline minuscule: the main period of its use was from circa 800 through two decades (Bishop 1990, 525): its last example may date from as late as 830.29 The last palaeographer to work in detail on the thirty-nine extant manuscripts in which this script is found was able to demonstrate that ‘most examples of the a-b are attributable to a single body of scribes’ (Bishop 1990, 528); this was achieved by following a series of scribes across twelve of the largest manuscripts. With this information Bishop was then further able to conjecture a chronological sequence of copying, as well as to state that “so far the presumption is that all of the manuscripts listed … were written in the abbey of Saint Pierre de Corbie”.30 As fragments there is very little evidence for the origin of the Cologne folios, beyond the script; however, even if it is currently quite impossible to prove that they were made at Corbie (though this is extremely likely), it is also quite impossible to prove that they were not made at Corbie. The fragments sit late in Bishop’s chronological list, thus conjectured as copied between 820 and 830. In a text named “Prologus de ordine antiphonarii” Amalarius explained “I had long been vexed because of the antiphonaries in our province that disagreed with each other – for the modern ones ran in a manner different from the ancient ones – and I did not know which was the better one to retain”,31 but then “when I was sent to Rome by our holy and most Christian emperor Louis to the holy and most reverend Pope Gregory IV, the pope told me the following [story] about the aforementioned volumes: ‘I do not have an antiphonary to send to my son the Lord Emperor, because those that we had Wala took away with him to Francia when he was carrying out another legation here’.”32 Off Amalarius went to Corbie (where Wala was abbot), and “a multitude of [Roman] antiphonaries was discovered in the monastery of Corbie, that is, three volumes of the Night Office and a fourth which only contained the daily office”.33 So Amalarius sat down and “compared these volumes with our antiphonaries and discovered that they diverged from ours not only in their order, but also in the wording and in a multitude of the responsories and antiphons, which we do not sing. Indeed, in many matters I found our volumes to be more reasonably laid out than those were”.34 The people named here are Louis the Pious, sole emperor after his father Charlemagne’s death in 814; then Gregory IV, pope from 827 until 844; and finally Wala, who was abbot of Saint Pierre de Corbie between 826 and 834. (Wala was also one of the two founders of the abbey of Korvey.) Thus all of this business of getting hold of the Roman books, and doing the comparisons, was going on in the years between 826 and the early 830s, in the period when Amalarius wrote his Liber de ordine antiphonarii. If it may be supposed that the Cologne folios were made at Corbie, or somewhere in very close contact with Corbie, then their content can be examined in light of Amalarius’s account. That content must show one of several possible states of office chants: either (a) in a form practised at Corbie before the reforms for which the Roman books had been sought; or (b) in a form practised at Corbie after the reforms; or (c) as copied from a Roman book. Starting with the most intractable parts of what survives, on parts of folios so trimmed that we have only the beginnings of words or syllables (up to five or six letters) or likewise ends of words or syllables, some chant texts can be reconstructed. Passages from the office for St Agatha appear on one of these heavily trimmed pages, from which the following excerpt shows how the little that survives is nevertheless susceptible to reconstruction: 29. Bischoff 1979, 136. 30. Bishop 1990, 530, and Tables 21.1 and 21.2. Bishop was careful in noting that some of the manuscripts he lists “show no signs of having been at Corbie at any time: neither documented Corbie provenances nor the witnesses of origin or ownership” (of the kind found in other Corbie manuscripts) (534). 31. “Cum longo tempore taedio affectus essem propter antiphonarios discordantes inter se in nostra prouincia, moderni enim alio currebant quam uetusti”: “Prologus de ordine antiphonarii”, Amalar, ed. Hanssens, I, 361. 32. “Nam quando fui missus Romam a sancto et christianissimo imperatore Hludouico ad sanctum et reuerendissimum papam Gregorium, de memoratis uoluminibus retulit mihi ita idem papa: Antiphonarium non habeo quem possim mittere filio meo domino imperatori, quoniam hos qui habuimus, Wala, quando functus est huc legatione aliqua, abduxit eos hinc secum in Franciam”. Ibidem. 14 1 2 3 4 5 – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS dicem [impie crudelis et dei tyranne] non es [confusus amputare in femina] quod [ipse in matre suxisti V Ego ha] beo m[amillas integras intus in ani] ma m[ea quas ab infantia domino] Unfortunately, the continuation on the verso side (with word or syllable ends rather than beginnings) is less easily reconstructed. The content of the recto side and the beginning of the verso is transcribed in Appendix 3. 33. “Inuenta copia antiphonariorum in monasterio Corbiensi, id est tria uolumina de nocturnali officio et quartum quod solummodo continebat diurnale”. Ibidem. 34. “Quae memorata uolumina contuli cum nostris antiphonariis, inuenique ea discrepare a nostris non solum in ordine, uerum etiam in uerbis et multitudine responsoriorum et antiphonarum, quas nos non cantamus. Nam in multis rationabilius statuta reperi nostra uolumina, quam essent illa”. Ibidem. 15 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS This is an office which is not present in C, but it is in the Trier antiphoner list, and there is little doubt that some sort of office for St Agatha had been passed on from Rome. Comparison of the content of the Cologne fragment with the CAO books, as well as with the Trier list and the Mont-Renaud antiphoner gives a very clear result: this office was transmitted in the secular books in a fairly standard form (see Table 5).35 The first five responsories are mostly in precisely the same order, or with the fourth and fifth reversed, while antiphons 4-6 are also preserved in this order in all but the Verona manuscript. Even when we move over to the monastic side of this table (H - L), a good deal of repetition remains, above all in the choice and ordering of responsories. Unfortunately, although we learn something about the transmission of the office for Agatha, this comparison does not help us to appreciate anything more about the standing of the Cologne fragments. In the Hartker office (H), while the responsories maintain what is clearly an old order, the antiphons have undergone a complete revision. Nevertheless, certain characteristics stick, like the maintenance of Hodie in Iordane as the first responsory (it could hardly be put anywhere else), and of Adferte domino as the first antiphon. From this kind of comparison, I doubt that the Cologne fragments can tell us much more, whether about the office books which had come from Rome, or about their own status. Table 6. Epiphany chants in Cologne B140 and other early sources Cologne B140 A Venit lumen tuum hierusalem CAO C 5344 x G M V H R D F S L x A Adferte domino fili dei Ps Ipso 1303 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 3 2 2 5 2 3 3 3 4 3 3 7 3 4 5 5 5 x x Cologne B141 T B E M V H R D F S L MR CAO A Psallite deo nostro psallite Ps Omnes gentes 4406 2 2 R Dum ingrederetur V Ego habeo mamillas 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 6546 A Omnis terra adoret te Ps Iubilate 4155 3 3 R Vidisti domine V Propter ueritatem 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 7 2 2 7 7 7883 V Omnis terra R Quis es tu qui uenisti V Nam et ego 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 3 3 7499 R Hodie in Iordane V Celi aperti sunt 6849 1 R Omnes de saba uenient V Reges tarsis 7314 2 R Stella quam uiderunt V Et intrantes 7701 3 A Reges Tarsis et insule Ps Deus iudicium 4594 4 A Omnes gentes Ps Inclina domine 4125 5348 in secundo nocturno A Agatha sancta dixit PS Cum inuocarem 4 4 4 4 5 3 7 6 5 4 3 6 1308 A Si ignem adhibeas PS Verba mea auribus 5 5 5 5 6 4 8 7 6 5 4 7 4897 A Aga[?tha letissima] 6 6 6 6 - 5 9 8 10 - 5 8 1306 R Ipse me coronauit V Vidisti domine 4 4 5 4 8 4 5 6 5 5 5 6 6990 A Uenite adoremus Ps Venite exultemus R Agatha letissima 5 5 4 5 5 5 6 1 6 6 1 1 6061 V Reges tarsis The same is true when the content of the other leaf (B140), for the Night Office of the feast of the Epiphany, is examined (see Table 6). Again there is considerable closeness between the secular versions (C-V), with evidence of considerable moving around of both responsories and antiphons in the monastic offices. 16 E in epiphania Table 5. The office for St Agatha, as preserved in Cologne Fragm. B141 and other early sources 35. B x 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 4 7 3 6 3 3 3 3 7 7 8 4 11 4 5 5 4 4 8 4 5 6 6 6 5 5 6 6 5 5 9 5 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 10 6 8 5 4 6 6 6 5 9 2 R Interogabat magos Herodes V. Magi ueniunt 6981 4 R Inluminare inluminare V. Et ambulabunt 6882 5 R Magi ueniunt ab oriente V. Magi ueniunt 7112 6 4 2886 7 7 A Fluminis impetus 5 x x 4 4 4 6 5 5 5 2 3 10 2 4 5 6 6 6 5 5 4 6 8 4 7 2 2 3 7 In Table 5 T indicates the Trier list, MR the Mont-Renaud antiphoner; all other sigla are those used in CAO. 17 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN Of considerably more interest is the main content of the folios connected to the Agatha strips: on this one recto and verso there is part of an office for St Sebastian. The content is almost entirely transcribable (see Appendix 4). What we have here is a substantial portion of the Night Office, followed by Lauds. For comparison with the office recorded in other books, the Roman manuscript I-Rvat San Pietro B79, the Trier antiphoner and the Mont-Renaud antiphoner can usefully be included alongside the CAO manuscripts (see Table 7).36 The numbers in the table represent the actual order in the office, thus the responsory Sebastianus dei cultor is the first responsory in most of the records, while Sebastianus Mediolanensium is the first antiphon in the first nocturn in some and the first antiphon for Lauds in others. In this table a letter on the verse line (as, for example, E against Erat enim in sermone for the responsory Sebastianus dei cultor) indicates the use of the same verse. Although there is a rubric at the top of the verso side, before the antiphons, I have not been able to read it; however, comparison with the other sources indicates that these antiphons are for Lauds. A rubric further down the page, ‘In EVangELIo’ is perfectly clear. The number of five antiphons before this rubric matches the number recorded in all of the CAO sources, while the choice and ordering matches both San Pietro B79 and Verona for the first four. One of the antiphons listed after that rubric, Beatus Calistus, is not listed for this feast anywhere else, except in Hartker’s antiphoner. Looking at patterns of transmission across the whole set of books, there are some clear dominant patterns, such as the use of Sebastianus Mediolanensium as the first antiphon in the Night Office, contrary to the pattern in Cologne, San Pietro B79, and Verona; and then Sebastianus dei cultor becomes the first antiphon of Lauds. The most consistent placing amongst all of these antiphons is that of Beatus es et bene as the antiphon in euangelio at Lauds: this is its place in ten of the thirteen books considered here. All of this indicates that the basic material, or some of the basic material, for an office for St Sebastian, as recorded in the later manuscripts, does draw on the same sources as the Cologne fragments: an older office underlies all of these versions. The ordering has been played around with in various ways, though a relative lack of chaos in the table suggests that there was no free for all in the arrangements of the antiphons, but rather that a small number of models were followed by many of those responsible for sorting out such matters. If the Cologne record of Lauds antiphons, along with San Pietro B79 and Verona, could be seen to represent an earlier layer of transmission of this office, then the version that underlies all of the others represented here need only depend on one centralized remodelling, with a number of other individual choices made. Table 7. The office for St Sebastian in Cologne B141 and other early books 36. 18 The office is not recorded in either C or M. – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS Co B141 B79 T B E V H R D F S L MR R Sebastianus dei cultor 5 1 1 1 2 1 [1] 1 1 2 1 E E E 2 2 2 1 2 [2] 2 2 1 2 Q Q Q Q Q Q Q - - - - - - - - - - - 3 3 - - - - 3 7 8 N N N N N N N V Erat enim in sermone R Sebastianus uir christianissimus V 2 2 - E Q Christo cotidie R In isto loco promissio V 1 Quem perfuderat R Quos in parabolis premiis V 1 3 Nolite timere [VErSO] A Sebastianus mediolanensium L1 L1 1 1 L1 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 A Sebastianus uir christianissimus L2 L2 6 6 L2 6 6 6 6 L2 4 6 A Sebastianus dei cultor L3 L3 L1 L1 L3 L1 L1 L1 L1 AdC 7 L1 A Sebastianus dixit marcelliano L4 L4 7 7 L4 7 8 8 8 L5 8 8 A Christo cotidie sedulum 1 L7 3 3 L7 3 3 3 3 10 2 3 V Iustus non conturbabitus L6 L6 L6 L6 L6 L6 V V L6 L1 L6 C + in [evangelio] A Beatus es et bene L6 A Beatus calistus dedit orationem St Cal. A Sebastianus dixit ad nicostratum L5 L5 9 L5 L5 9 10 L5 L5 - L5 L5 A Multitudo languentium ueniebant 6 L8 L5 L8 L8 L5 C C C - L6 C + + - Among responsories for the Night Office there is considerable consistency in the use of Sebastianus dei cultor and Sebastianus uir christianissimus in first and second place, though their order can be reversed (as in the Hartker and Benevento manuscripts). Both of these responsories draw their texts from the 19 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN opening chapters of the life of St Sebastian, written in Rome in the fifth or early sixth century. Then we find a responsory, Quos in parabolis, which is otherwise recorded only in San Pietro B79. This is followed by In isto loco, which appears elsewhere as either the third or the eighth responsory of the Night Office. As with the antiphons, there are clear patterns here. Most intriguing, however, is the presence of a chant that never reappears in the later books: not only is it not in any of those edited in CAO, but it is not found in the Cantus database for any sourceother than the San Pietro manuscript). Alongside the ordering of chants, the presence of Quos in parabolis is one indication that the Cologne fragments present us with a form of the office that had not yet been altered by Carolingian liturgists. And all of this leads me to argue that these Cologne fragments might well represent a copy of one of those Roman antiphoners Wala had obtained directly from Rome. There is one other aspect of these fragments which underlines the antiquity of their contents – reminding us of a quality remarked on in two of the other three fragments I have discussed in this study. In both Winithar’s book and that represented in the Disentis bifolium, it was easy to discover that large numbers of chants which we might have expected to find, following the model of later books, were absent. That is the case here also. Between the recto and the verso of the page there is nothing missing – only a rubric that I have not been able to read. And yet, it appears that we pass from four responsories – elsewhere used at the beginning of the office – directly to Lauds. So where are the other responsories and antiphons? Even if the way of recording antiphons and responsories were simply to make lists of each (as in Lucca 490 or the Prüm manuscript now Trier Stadtbibliothek 1245/597), we would still have to explain why chants that appear to open the office elsewhere have been dismissed to the end. It is quite likely that the Cologne fragments present a rather incomplete record, reminding us of Amalarius’s lament that when he had compared the Roman volumes “with our antiphonaries” he “discovered that they diverged from ours not only in their order but also in the wording and in a multitude of the responsories and antiphons, which we do not sing”.37 This can be demonstrated by comparing the saints’ feasts present in a series of sacramentaries and the content of the antiphoner C (F-Pn lat. 17436). In the table presented in Appendix 5, the first column is for the mid-ninth-century Corbie sacramentary (also known for including a gradual). Then there are three sacramentaries, all made at Saint Amand at the behest of Charles the Bald, and all exported to other abbeys, which was probably the intention from the beginning: F-Pn lat. 2292 went to Nonantola, F-RS 213 to Reims (though it is not clear to which institution, whether Saint Thierry or the cathedral), and F-Pn lat. 2290, which went to Saint Denis.38 All three are considered by art historians as coming from ‘the court school’, and therefore likely to draw on much of the same knowledge and practice as the antiphoner C, which has itself been associated with the court school. Gregorian sacramentaries made in this period are rarely ‘pure’, that is, having only the feasts and prayers present in the exemplar obtained from Pope Hadrian in the 780s; most have added material, some of it representing a supplement probably composed by Alcuin, and then also further feasts and prayers as required. In the columns for the Corbie book and Reims 213, italics refer to the presence of a second set of prayers in the same book, in a second series, but copied by the same scribe as the main series. In these two books it is quite easy to see the process of adding supplementary feasts: Reims 213 has the highest number of additions. Even though there was a strong centralized effort to improve on the Hadrianum model, what happens after the Alcuin supplement was added seems to be extremely variable. The point of lining up this specific series of manuscripts is to demonstrate that the variability extends throughout a group of manuscripts made in one area, or even one scriptorium, and under the direction of one institutional patron, Charles the Bald. Feasts for St Denis and for All Saints are in all of these books: then we find in some books but not in all, feasts for Sts Geneviève, Scholastica, Hilary, Benedict, Maurice, Germanus, Remigius, and Vedast, and the second Martin feast on 4 July. The point I want to make here is that these are important saints, not the subject of merely local cults, or not only the subject of local cults. Yet it took time to put liturgy in place for such figures, and that putting in place might not extend across all of the liturgical books in use in one place. This lack of consistency can be seen most sharply by considering some of the offices present in C, for Médard, for Crispin, and Crispinian, in the form of a full office, for Quentin and Brice in the form of six or seven Lauds antiphons only. These are saints who go unmentioned in what might be considered the central liturgical book, the sacramentary. What this means about the way in which saints’ cults are pursued, and how liturgy for their feasts develops, deserves much more attention. ∂ In the last part of this study I shall venture a few words about the transmission of hagiographical materials in the eighth and ninth centuries, since I believe these can offer important perspectives on the composition and use of saints’ offices. In this period the ways in which saints’ feasts were recorded in liturgical books, with organized material for individual celebrations, are quite uneven. 37. 20 See note 34 above. – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS 38. On this group of sacramentaries see esp. Deshusses 1977 and 1979. 21 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN It might be imagined that the liturgical material for saints’ feasts missing from these books – whether it be sets of prayers for mass, sets of readings, or chants for offices – was travelling around in little libelli, along with the life and miracles of the relevant saint, as has been argued in the past.39 Once the manuscript sources are examined, however, this claim cannot be confirmed. A recent study of libelli containing hagiographical materials has inventoried the contents of 314 manuscript collections made between the eighth and the end of the eleventh centuries (Poulin 2006). From this number it is clear that there are plentiful examples of hagiographical libelli; many of these show signs of having once been folded, in other words, clear signs of having been sent from one location to another. Some of the extant examples consist of series of booklets made in different places, and then assembled as a collection of hagiographical materials in one institution: the best such example is now in Saint Petersburg (Publichnaia bibl. Lat. fol. I 12), assembled at Corbie in the ninth century. This combines seven separate booklets of which six are individually dedicated to one saint or group of saints (Apollinaris, Audomarus, Dionysius, Fulgentius, Germanus Parisiensis, Marcellinus); the individual parts were made in the late eighth century (Poulin 2006, 65, 68, 85, 95, 101, 120). A mid-ninth-century example was made from six separate booklets, with parts for St Hubert, then a group of female saints, the BVM, St Vedast, Sts Faustinus and Jovita, and St Christopher (A-Wn 550) (Poulin 2006, 79, 93, 107, 122, 155, 164). Evidence of the transmission of material linked to saints’ cults, above all, the life and miracles of a saint, in small booklets – libelli – is plentiful. But how many of these travelling booklets included materials for the liturgical celebration of saints’ feasts? Of the sixty-nine libelli inventoried by Poulin and made in the eighth and ninth centuries, only five include liturgical material (leaving aside markings in the vitae for readings). These include (a) office chant texts following the Vita s. Emmerammi in F-Pn lat. 2990 A, made in the early ninth century (Poulin 2006, 89); (b) a prayer and a hymn for St Gallus, composed by Walafrid Strabo and copied alongside his life and miracles in a late ninthcentury manuscript (CH-SGs 562); (c) a hymn for St Marcellinus, copied after his life and miracles in a libellus made at Corbie, and now in the Saint Petersburg composite volume [Poulin 2006, 120]; (d) a hymn for St Servatius following a vita, copied in the second half of the eighth century and present at Corbie in the ninth century (F-Pn lat. 12598); (e) a hymn for St Vedast, copied in the midninth century after the vita and translatio, and, according to Bischoff, at Saint Vaast itself (A-Wn 550). This last presents a good example of the export of a saint’s life from the home of his relics. These five examples provide very little testimony of the circulation of liturgy: hymns or rather uersus written in a saint’s honour might attract our attention, but the transmission of full liturgical materials for the celebration of saints’ feasts cannot be said to have been effected in hagiographical collections made before 900, and, as far as I can tell, there are no examples of offices transmitted in hagiographical collections that predate the beautiful manuscript given by King Æthelstan to the monks who cared for Cuthbert’s tomb at Chester-leStreet (GB-Ccc 183).40 That gift is usually associated with the king’s visit to Chester-le-Street in 934. However many manuscripts have perished along the way, it would be difficult to argue that the evidence of a substantial number of eighth- and ninth-century hagiographical collections – many from major centres such as Corbie, Saint Denis, Reims, and Tours in the west, Trier, Reichenau, and Sankt Gallen to the east – should be set aside. This means that evidence for parallelism between the composition of saints’ lives and of saints’ offices is difficult to find in physical form, and that consideration of the place and time of the composition of offices needs to be carefully separated out from other elements of saints’ cults. 39. See, for example, Goudesenne 2002a, 96ff.; the case put by Michel Huglo, 1988, 70ff., is more nuanced, simply pointing to examples of offices transmitted in hagiographical collections, without making a claim for the earliest cases. 22 – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS ∂ In conclusion: this review of the early manuscript sources of office liturgy has confirmed and added weight to the impression conveyed by contemporary writers – that while the Roman liturgy was adopted, it required and received a good deal of revision. Put most bluntly, what became a tradition linked with the name of Gregory is certainly the outcome of rather than the starting point for Frankish work on Roman materials. Much of the work of revision was carried out well into the ninth century, after the Councils at Aachen, and not in the eighth century, when work on the mass liturgy had apparently already been begun. The task of embellishing saints’ feasts with Proper liturgies followed along behind, without being centralized in the same fashion as the Roman-Frankish core. The degree of diversity that resulted from this complex transmission renders study – even of the earliest examples of saints’ offices probably already transmitted from Rome – difficult. 40. On this gift see Keynes 1985. 23 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN Appendix 1. Manuscript sources for office chants up to 900 Appendix 2. Transcription of Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 1399.a.2 Abbreviations have been silently expanded; missing or illegible passages are indicated by [ ]; capitalization and punctuation follow the manuscript (with · representing an ending formed of two points and a comma). The text has not been corrected, but transcribed as is. The foliation is reported according to the current order of the fragments, in which the second folio (2) has been reversed. before 800 Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 1399.a.2 s.VIII 3/4 antiphoner (parts of 2 folios) Lucca Biblioteca Capitolare 490, fols. 30r-31r s.VIII ex list (Advent) 800-850 Cologne Historisches Archiv Fragm. B140, B141 before 820 antiphoner (parts of 4 folios) Disentis Stiftsarchiv Fragm. 22 s.Ix 2/4 antiphoner (bifolium) Nuremberg G.N.M. Kapsel 536/SD 2815, 2816 before 846 office book (2 folios) Oxford Bodleian Library Auct. F.4.26 s.Ix 2/4 antiphoner (1 folio) Paris BNF nal. 2477, fols. 26-30 s.Ix 2/4 office book (10 folios) Stuttgart W. Landesbibliothek Bibl. Fol. 65, fol. 49 s.Ix 1/4 antiphoner (1 folio) Berlin SB PKB Theol.lat.oct.159 (back endleaf) s.Ix 2/3 antiphoner (part of 1 folio) Cambridge CCC 272, fol. 174v 883/884 psalter with ferial chants Leiden Bib.der R.Universiteit BPL 25, fols. 1, 42, 43 s.Ix 3/4 antiphoner (3 folios) Paris BNF lat. 17436, fols. 31-107 860s-870s antiphoner (complete) Paris BSG 223, endleaves s.Ix 3/4 antiphoner (8 folios) Reims BM 1395, fols. 180v-183r ?s.Ix 3/4 chants for the Holy Cross Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 1397, pp. 13-16 s.Ix 3/4 antiphoner (2 folios) Trier Stadtbibliothek 1245/597, fols. 107r-127r 860s antiphoner list (complete) Vienna ÖNB lat. 612, fol. 74 s.Ix 3/4 antiphoner (part of 1 folio) Zurich Zentralbibliothek Rheinau 26, fol. 74 s.Ix 3/4 antiphoner (bifolium) Laon BM 136, front endleaf s.Ix 4/4 chants for St Denis Munich B. Staatsbibliothek cgm 6943, endleaves s.Ix 4/4 antiphoner (2 folios) Vienna ÖNB ser. nova 3645, endleaves s.Ix 4/4 antiphoner (4 folios) 850-875 875-900 circa 900 Hildesheim Dombibliothek 651, endleaves s.Ix/x antiphoner (parts of 4 folios) Leipzig Universitätsbibliothek 1609, fol. 1 s.Ix/x antiphoner (1 folio) Milan Ambrosiana B48 sup., fol. 141 s.Ix/x antiphoner (1 folio) Munich B. Staatsbibliothek clm 29316/1 s.Ix/x antiphoner (1 folio) Paris BNF lat. 125, fols. A, B, 179, 180 s.Ix/x office book (parts of 4 folios) Rome B. Nazionale Sessor 96, fols. 314-319 s.Ix/x Office for St Benedict 24 – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS fol. 1r [R Responsum acceperat Simeon …] [V Lumen ad reuelationem] gencium et gloriam plebis tuæ israhel . quia uiderunt oculi me R tolle puerum et matrem eius et uade in terram iuda defuncti sunt enim qui queribant animam pueri : V venit angelus domini ad iosep in somnis dicens . defuncti R adorna talamum tuum sion et susc[ip]e regem christum amplectare maria qui est [c] elestis porta · ipsa enim port[a]t regem gloriæ nobis luminis subsistit uirgo adducit in ma[n]ibus filium ante luciferum quem ac[c]ipiens simion in ulnis suis · p[red]icauit populus domini esse uitæ mor[tis et sa]luatorem mu[ndi] [V Acci]piens sime[on] puer[um in m]anibus gracias agens [benedix]it dominum quem uir[go] adducit fol. 1v [R Sim]eon iustus et timoratus expectans redimpcionem israel V responsum accepit simeon ab spirito sancto non uisurum se mortem nis[i p]rius uidiret christum domini redimpcionem ITEM [ANTIPHONAE] IN [MATU]TINI[S LAUDIBUS] [AN] Responsum accipiet simeon ab spiritu sancto non uisu[rum] se mortem nisi prius ui[de] ret [christu]m domini · SL dominus regnauit AN Accipiens simeon puerum [in] manibus gracias . agens benedixit dominum · [SL] iubilate AN Tolle puerum et matrem eius et ua[de i]n terram iudam · [SL] deus deus meus AN Reuertere in terram iudam mor[tui] sunt enim qui quereba[nt ani]mam p[ueri] · [SL] Benedicete AN [Ob]tullerunt pro [eo domino] par [tur]turum et duos p[ullos columbarum] fol. 2v AN SL [AN SL AN [SL] AN secundum magnitudine miseracionum tuarum dele iniquitates meas domine · miserere mei deus Deus meus es tu et confi]tebor tibi dominus meus es tu et exaltabo te · Confitemini domino quoniam bonus quoniam in s[eculum misericordia eius] Ad te de luce uigilo deus ut uideam uirtutem tuam · deus deus meus Himnum dicite et super exaltate [eum in secula benedicite] fol. 2r [R Tolle] arma tua pharetra et arcum et adfer de uenacione tua ut cummedam et benedicat te anima mea V cum[que uenatu aliquid adtuleris] fac mihi inde pulmentum ut commedam et benedicat te anima mea . R benedixit isac iacob dicens · ecce odor filii mei sicut odor agri pleni quem benedixit dominus crescere te fa[ciat deus meus sicut arena maris … 25 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN Appendix 3. Transcription of the office for St Agatha in Cologne Historisches Archiv Fragm. B141 (from the recto to the beginning of the verso) Since only a small strip of this folio survives, these texts are largely reconstructed using the CAO texts: missing or illegible passages are indicated by [ ]. Appendix 4. The office for St Sebastian in Cologne Historisches Archiv Fragm. B141 Abbreviations have been silently expanded; missing or illegible passages are indicated by [ ]; capitalization and punctuation follow the manuscript (with · representing an ending formed of two points and a comma). The text has not been corrected, but transcribed as is. R1 recto R Sebastianus dei cultor studiose curabat sub absconso clamide sanctorum animas confortabat spem promittens et gloria consequi sempiterna V Erat enim in sermone uerax in iudicio iustus · Spem R Sebastianus uir christianissimus quem occultabat militaris habitu et clamidem suum obumbrauit aspectus V Quem perfuderat deus gratiam ab hominibus amabatur · Et clamidem R Quos in parabolis premiis quem accepit palma martyrii sebastianus dei famulus gloriosam possedit hereditatem [V] Christo cotidie exhibebat officio erat enim uerus dei cultor · Sebastianus [R I]n isto loco promissio uera est et peccatorum remissio splendor et lux perpetua et sine fine leticia quam meruit christi martyr sebastianus [V] Nolite timere non separabuntur a uobis sed uadunt in celo parare uobis desideratas mansiones · Q[uam] V R2 V R3 V] [Dum ingrederetur beata Agathes in carcerem dixit ad iu]dicem [impie crudelis et dei tyranne] non es [confusus amputare in femina] quod [ipse in matre suxisti Ego ha]beo m[amillas integras intus in ani]ma m[ea quas ab infantia domino] secra[vi. Impie Vidisti domine et expec]tasti [agonem meum quomodo pugnavi] in sta[dio sed quia nolui obedire] mand[atis principum iussa sum in mamil]las to[rqueri Propter veritatem et] man[suetudinem et iustitiam] Quis e[s tu qui uenisti ad me curare] uulne[ra mea ego sum apostolus xpi nihil] in me [dubites filia ipse me misit ad] te qu[em dilexisti mente et puro corde] Na[m et ego apostolus eius sum et noui me] dicin[am.] [IN SEcuNDO] N[OcturNO] A1 A[gathes sancta dixit: si feras mihi pro]mitt[is audito christi nomine mansuescunt.] PS Cu[m invocarem] A2 PS [Si ignem adhibe]as ror[em mihi saluificum de celo angeli] minis[trabunt. Verba mea auribus] A3 Aga[thes … ]41 R4 [Ipse me corona]uit qu[i per apostolum petrum in cus]todia [me confortauit pro eo quod] iussa [sum suspendi in equuleo propter fidem] casti[tatis adiuva me domine deus meus in tortura mamillarum mear]um. [Vidisti domine agonem meum quomod]o pug[naui in stadio sed quia nolui oboe]dire [mandatis principum. Adiuua] me V R5 [Agathes letissima et glorianter iba]t [ad carcerem et quasi ad epulas] inui[tata agonem suum domino precib]us com[mendabat.] – THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS verso [rubric] AN Sebastianus mediolanensium partium ciues per quem fuderat deus gratia ab omnibus amabatur [AN S]ebastianus uir christianissimus qu[em] occultabat militaris habitus et clamidis obumbrabat aspectus AN [S]ebastianus dei cultor studiose cu[r]abat sub absconso clamide sanctorum animas confortabat spem promittens et gloria consequi sempiterna AN Sebastianus dixit marcelliano et marco non uos seducat blandimenta mulierum AN [Christo] cotidie sedulum exibebat officium erat enim uerus dei cultor V [I]ustus non conturbabitus quia dominus IN EVANgELIO AN Beatus es et bene tibi erit egregie martyr sebastiane quia cum sanctis gaudebis et cum angelis exaltabis in eternum AN Beatus calistus dedit orationem dicens deus qui dispersa congregas et non congregata conseruas auge fide et mis? seruis tuis per christum dominum nostrum AN Sebastianus dixit ad nicostratum saluator noster pro peccatoribus dignatus est cruci adfigi et suam nobis exibere presentiam AN Multitudo languentium ueniebant ad eum et sanabantur omnes 41. It is highly likely that this is a text related to the antiphon Agathes laetissima (CAO 1306), but in the version recorded in other sources, the text is too long to have been recorded in the space available here. 26 27 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN Appendix 5. Saints’ feasts in a series of ninth-century sacramentaries and one office antiphoner. Names in italics indicate saints not present in a first cycle of prayers, but in a second contemporary series not integrated with the first (as in lat. 12050 and Reins 213). Since the second cycle in Reims 213 includes prayers for many saints already present in the first cycle, + indicates the presence of a saint in both cycles, and italics those only in the second cycle. Brackets under lat. 17436 indicate the presence of office chants for that saint, but not a full office. BNF 12050 Sacramentary Corbie BNF 2292 Sacramentary Court School Charles the Bald (sent to Nonantola) s.ix 3/4 Reims 213 Sacramentary Court School, Charles the Bald sent to Reims circa 869 BNF 2290 Sacramentary Court School, Charles the Bald sent to Saint Denis s.ix 3/4 - 4/4 BNF 17436 Office Antiphoner Court School, Charles the Bald 26 Dec. Stephen Stephen Stephen + Stephen Stephen 27 Dec. John Ev John Ev John Ev + John Ev John Ev 28 Dec. Innocents Innocents Innocents + Innocents Innocents 31 Dec. Silvester Silvester Silvester + Silvester 850s 3 Jan. 14 Jan. 870s Felix Hilary Felix Felix Hilary Marcellus Marcellus Marcellus Marcellus 18 Jan. Prisca Prisca Prisca Prisca 20 Jan. Fabian Fabian Fabian Fabian Sebastian Sebastian Sebastian 21 Jan. Agnes Agnes Agnes Agnes 22 Jan. Vincent Vincent Vincent Vincent 25 Jan. 21 Mar. Benedict trans 25 Mar. BVM Annunciation Benedict BVM Annunciation BVM Annunciation + BVM Annunciation 13 Apr. Eufemia Eufemia 14 Apr. Tiburtius and Valerian Tiburtius and Valerian Tiburtius and Valerian Tiburtius and Valerian 23 Apr. George George George George Mark Ev 25 Apr. 28 Apr. Vitalis Vitalis Vitalis Vitalis 1 May Philip and James Philip and James Philip and James Philip and James 3 May Alexander, Eventius, Theodulus Alexander, Eventius, Theodulus Alexander, Eventius, Theodulus Alexander, Eventius, Theodulus 10 May Gordianus and Epimachus Gordianus and Epimachus Gordianus and Epimachus Gordianus and Epimachus 12 May Pancratius Pancratius Pancratius Pancratius 25 May Urban Urban Urban 2 June Marcellinus and Peter Marcellinus and Peter Medard 12 June Basil, Cyrinus, Naborius, Nazarius 15 June Vitus Agnes II 2 Feb. BVM Purification BVM Purification BVM Purification + BVM Purification 5 Feb. Agatha lacuna Agatha Agatha BVM Purification Scholastica Valentine Saint Peter’s Chair Valentine Marcellinus and Peter 8 June Preiectus Agnes II + lacuna Marcellinus and Peter Primus and Felicianus Agnes II 10 Feb. (Germanus) 9 June Agnes II Saint Peter’s Chair Gregory + Conversion of Saint Paul 28 Jan. 22 Feb. Gregory 28 May Sebastian 28 12 Mar. Gregory Nereus, Achilleus, Pancratius Mary and Martha Valentine Matthew Juvenal 16 Jan. 14 Feb. THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS 24 Feb. Geneviève Felix – Valentine 18 June Mark and Marcellinus Mark and Marcellinus Mark and Marcellinus + Mark and Marcellinus 19 June Protasius and Gervase Protasius and Gervase Protasius and Gervase + Protasius and Gervase 24 June John Baptist John Baptist John Baptist + John Baptist John Baptist 26 June John and Paul John and Paul John and Paul John and Paul John and Paul 29 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RANKIN 28 June Leo Leo Leo Leo 29 Aug. Sabine 29 June Peter Peter Peter + Peter Peter 30 June Paul Paul Paul Paul Paul 2 July Processus and Martinian Processus and Martinian Processus and Martinian Processus and Martinian 10 July Seven Brothers Seven Brothers Seven Brothers 11 July Benedict Benedict 25 July James James 29 July Felix, Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrice Felix, Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrice Felix, Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrice + Felix, Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrice 30 July Abdon and Sennes Abdon and Sennes Abdon and Sennes Abdon and Sennes 1 Aug. Saint Peter’s Chains Saint Peter’s Chains Saint Peter’s Chains Saint Peter’s Chains Benedict Stephen, Inventio Stephen, Inventio Stephen, Inventio 6 Aug. Sixtus Felicissimus and Agapitus Sixtus Felicissimus and Agapitus Sixtus Felicissimus and Agapitus Sixtus Felicissimus and Agapitus Donatus 7 Aug. 8 Aug. Cyriac Cyriac Cyriac 10 Aug. Lawrence Lawrence Lawrence + Lawrence Lawrence 11 Aug. Tiburtius Tiburtius Tiburtius Tiburtius (Tiburtius) 13 Aug. Yppolitus Yppolitus Yppolitus Yppolitus Yppolitus 14 Aug. Eusebius Eusebius Eusebius Eusebius 15 Aug. BVM Assumption BVM Assumption BVM Assumption + BVM Assumption 18 Aug. Agapitus Agapitus Agapitus 22 Aug. Timothy Timothy Timothy 27 Aug. Rufus 28 Aug. Hermes Augustine 30 Hermes Hermes Augustine Felix and Adautus Felix and Adautus Priscus BVM Nat BVM Nat BVM Nat + BVM Nat 9 Sept. Gorgonius Gorgonius 11 Sept. Protus and Hyacinth Protus and Hyacinth Protus and Hyacinth Protus and Hyacinth 14 Sept. Cornelius and Cyprian Cornelius and Cyprian Cornelius and Cyprian Cornelius and Cyprian 15 Sept. Nicomedes Nicomedes Nicomedes Nicomedes 16 Sept. Eufemia Lucy and Geminianus Eufemia Lucy and Geminianus Eufemia Lucy and Geminianus Eufemia Lucy and Geminianus 21 Sept. Matthew Matthew Matthew Ev 22 Sept. Maurice Maurice BVM Nat 27 Sept. Cosmas and Damian Cosmas and Damian Cosmas and Damian + Cosmas and Damian (Cosmas and Damian) 29 Sept. Michael Michael Michael + Michael Michael 7 Oct. (Maurice) Germanus, Remigius, Vedastus, Bavo Mark Mark Mark Vedast Mark Marcellus and Apuleius Denis, Rusticus and Eleutherius Denis Denis and Rusticus Denis 14 Oct. Calixtus Calixtus Calixtus Calixtus Agapitus 18 Oct. Luke Luke Luke Timothy 25 Oct. BVM Assumption (Simphorian) 28 Oct. (Hermes) 1 Nov. Denis cum sociis suis Crispin and Crispinian Simon & Jude Simon & Jude Simon & Jude 30 Oct. Hermes Beheading of John Baptist Felix and Adautus 9 Oct. Simphorian Bartholomew 30 Aug. Felix and Adautus Sabine Beheading of John Baptist 1 Oct. Cyriac 24 Aug. Bartholomew Sabine Cyprian Saint Peter’s Chains Stephen, Inventio Sabine Beheading of John Baptist 8 Sept. Seven Brothers 2 Aug. THE OFFICE IN CAROLINGIAN HANDS 1 Sept. Martin 4 July – Quentin Caesarius Caesarius Caesarius Caesarius All Saints All Saints All Saints All Saints All Saints 31 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES 8 Nov. Quattuor Coronatorum Quattuor Coronatorum Quattuor Coronatorum Quattuor Coronatorum 9 Nov. Theodore Theodore Theodore Theodore Mennas Mennas + Mennas Martin Martin + Martin 11 Nov. Mennas Martin 13 Nov. Henry Parkes University of Nottingham Martin (Brice) 22 Nov. Cecilia Cecilia Cecilia + Cecilia Cecilia 23 Nov. Clement Clement Clement + Clement Clement Felicitas Felicitas Felicitas Felicitas 24 Nov. Chrysogonus Chrysogonus Chrysogonus Chrysogonus 29 Nov. Saturnin Saturnin Saturnin Saturnin 30 Nov. Andrew Andrew Andrew + Andrew Lucy Lucy (Lucy) Thomas (Thomas) Andrew Andrew 13 Dec. Lucy 21 Dec. Thomas Theology and teleology in the festal Night Office: what performance directions reveal about the design and experience of historiae Among the more sophisticated qualities of the medieval historia, as a liturgical genre, is its propensity to sustain a long-term narrative telos. To put it in simplistic terms, the typical composition has a beginning, a middle, and an end.1 Through a succession of chant compositions, sometimes liturgically adjacent, sometimes dispersed over up to twenty-four hours of office worship, a historia characteristically tells the story of a saint’s life, death, and miracles, from beginning to end, interwoven with songs of gratitude, celebration, and exhortation to praise. Common to the majority of compositions is the placement of this musically mediated story within the nocturnal service of Matins, also known as the Night Office, whose extended festal form seems to have provided the perfect frame for a vocalization of a hagiographic narrative, itself interwoven with a set of lessons that did much the same.2 Chants about birth tend to precede chants about youth, which themselves precede chants about spiritual growth, struggle, and ultimately death – the death which completes the transition from worldly to heavenly, which leaves behind the sacred remains whereby humans may encounter the divine, and which thus justifies the act of veneration in which these very ideas are being articulated. In so many senses – biographical, liturgical, eschatological – this was an end that Christians must gladly and eagerly have anticipated.3 However, what the chant texts projected in terms of a narrative arc was clearly only one part of a larger worship experience. The musical content of the office on a feast day had its own profile, to be experienced in counterpoint with whatever literary narrative was being told. That profile arguably reached its greatest height at the end of a festal Matins, after the final responsory, when 1. Office chants may be differently ordered from source to source, of course, and this well-publicized fact may have discouraged scholars from further investigation in this area. But this does not in any way diminish the liturgy’s narrative potential, as is clear from the seminal analyses in Jonsson 1968. More recently, a template for thinking about liturgy and narratology has been proposed in Day 2014, 61-82. 2. The custom of reading lessons from a saint’s life is prescribed, for example, in Ælfric’s Letter, ed. and trans. Jones, 147 (chapter 73): “on all feasts of the saints, throughout the entire year, we read lives or passions of the saints themselves, or sermons appropriate to the given solemnity”. This practice is also clear to see from surviving sets of lections and lection markings. 3. For an excellent overview of the historia as a generator of such meanings see Hankeln 2014. I thank Professor Hankeln for his thoughtful responses to an earlier version of this paper. 32 33 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES all joined to sing the Te Deum, that ancient and lengthy paean of praise to God. This climactic moment was itself prepared in the three Matins nocturns, each of which was articulated musically by a kind of melodic intensification: from the simple psalm antiphons to the more elaborate responsories, to a final responsory which was customarily extended by the addition of a doxology verse.4 These nocturn-ending responsories were often themselves susceptible to a musical intensification, as a Bavarian chronicler described of the eleventhcentury historia of St Willibald, reporting how the composer equipped these chants with prosulas of increasing length.5 A long-term musical trajectory was presumably also what the thirteenth-century theorist Jerome of Moravia had in mind when he enjoined the historia composer to make each nocturn more beautiful than the last.6 Some scholars have even argued that the practice of arranging chants in modal order accomplished the same goal, and I shall return to that question later on.7 It should be emphasized that none of these tendencies was ever legislated upon, and that large-scale design was not a requirement for a successful historia composition. Other models were possible, for instance chants of a more reflective nature, or smaller series of compositions augmented by material from the Common of Saints. But the appearance of musical and textual narratives within a historia was clearly no accident either. Even without a set of proper chants, Matins was the service in which nine (or twelve) lessons were read continuously from a saint’s life and/or patristic homily, the next lesson picking up where the previous one stopped.8 It was the service in which nine (or twelve) psalms were chanted in an ascending numerical sequence, with a cursus which on the feasts of male saints normally began with the first five psalms in order.9 And it was a service already framed by increasingly elaborate expressions of praise to God: proceedings began with the invitatory (Psalm 95), an exhortation to worship; the nocturns ended with the insertion of the doxology into the last responsory; and the service concluded with the singing of the Te Deum, which in monastic communities was further crowned by the reading of the Gospel. The shape of Matins on a saint’s feast can thus be interpreted as an entangled simultaneity of forward-leaning narratives – musical, textual, liturgical – experienced both across the individual nocturns and over the course of the entire service. Not without reason did liturgical commentators allegorise the experience in terms of larger human temporalities. Authors from the ninth century onwards offered parallels between the threefold patterning of the service – the three Matins nocturns, the three responsories in each secular nocturn, the threefold space of before, during, and after, and even the threefold structure of certain Matins responsories – and the three ages of the world (before the law, under the law, and under grace) or the three ages of life (childhood, youth, and old age).10 For similar reasons Matins was susceptible to be understood as a journey, whether from darkness to light, from earth to heaven, or simply from anticipation to celebration. In the older Roman form of the office, the singers reportedly cut Matins short such that the final responsory (as it would be in the Frankish liturgy) was omitted and the Te Deum brought forward in its stead.11 For want of a better explanation, it seems as if the culmination of Matins was altogether too much to postpone. This was after all the conclusion of the night’s vigil, interpreted since early Christian times as a time of expectancy in anticipation of the second coming (after Matthew 25:1-13 et al.).12 It was also the moment of transition into the dawn office of Lauds, whose themes of praise and thanksgiving continued the sentiment of the Te Deum and were felicitously timed for the rising of the sun.13 It was against this background that a historia might be composed, but it was also by means of such compositions that larger meanings could be created, as part of a reciprocal and infinitely fluid counterpoint of text, sound, and experience. That last possibility is the starting point for the present study, which considers one further source of liturgical narrative: the many and varied performance traditions for festal offices, as described in ordinals, customaries, and other documents of medieval institutional custom.14 Discussions of the historia repertory only rarely acknowledge that which these books frequently attest, 4. This repetition is prescribed in the Rule of Saint Benedict, chapter 11. It is worth noting here that in certain traditions we also find introductory antiphons to the Te Deum, which, although not musically elaborate, often contribute textually to the aforementioned narrative progression, from life to death and/or from earth to heaven. Thus in the Te Deum antiphon for Saint Otmar, for example, the saint is described as rejoicing in paradise, as per Berschin - Ochsenbein - Möller 1999, 34, 39, 44. 5. Anonymus Hasarensis, De Episcopis Eichstetensibus, ed. Pertz, 257-258: “quibusdam responsoriis longissimis in fine notulas apposuit, eisdemque notulis versiculos instar sequentiarum subiunxit […] tertio paucos versiculos, sexto plures, nono dedit plurimos”. (“He added notes [notulas] to the end of some of the longest responsories, and to those notes he attached lines of text [versiculos], in the manner of sequences […] he gave a few lines to the third, more to the sixth, and the most to the ninth”). 6. Jerome of Moravia, Tractatus de musica, ed. Meyer and Lobrichon, 166 (chapter XXIV): “primum autem nocturnum cum antiphonis, responsoriis et uersibus de primo gradu, secundum de secundo, tercium uero de tercio gradu constituat”, where “tercio gradu” has previously been described as “gradu pulcherimo”. See also Laura Weber 2009, 165, with translation on 385. 7. For an introduction to the concept see Hughes 1983. 8. Nine corresponds to the secular or Roman cursus; twelve is monastic cursus, as followed in reformed Benedictine institutions. For an authoritative treatment of these concepts see Billett 2014. 9. 34 Pascher 1967. A useful overview is to be found in Harper 1991, 260-261. – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE 10. Amalarius, Liber officialis, ed. Hanssens (IV.9); Durandus, Rationale divinorum officium, ed. Davril and Thibodeau, 2:51, 2:61-62, 2:67, 2:182-183; Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Douteil, 116-117. 11. Huglo 1995, 26-27; Billett 2014, 34-35. 12. See, for example, Taft 1986, 28-29, 142. 13. On the possible resonances of a historia at Lauds see Fassler 2003. 14. For an authoritative overview of these books, with reflection on the problems of classification, see Hallinger 1980. A full list of sources consulted here is provided in the Appendix below. 35 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES namely that the enactment of office chants on major feasts was typically an uneven affair. Even within a single service, chants could be assigned to different numbers and types of singers, located in different architectural spaces and contexts, performed with different kinds of musical technique, and accompanied by different kinds of sensory experience.15 These are the kinds of detail we normally associate with the mass, not to mention the various ritual events we categorise as liturgical drama. But by no means did these overtly ‘dramatic’ ceremonies hold a monopoly. Indeed, the supervision of office performance customs can be traced right back to the Rule of Benedict (Chs. 9 and 11), in which we read that the final responsory of each nocturn should be sung standing, in honour of the doxology, and that the most senior individual should both intone the Te Deum and read the Gospel. Among the customs that subsequently accrued for use on feast days, musicologists may be most familiar with the high medieval practice of performing the Te Deum to the accompaniment of bells and organ.16 But there is much more to say than this. The central finding of this essay, derived from a survey of some twenty documents of institutional custom from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, is that Matins performance traditions were broadly united in their intent to provide an intensifying experience.17 In other words, they projected precisely the same teleological qualities that we have already observed in the musical, textual, and theological fabric of the service. This finding provides a new and extremely valuable hermeneutic for the interpretation of historiae, which I shall attempt to apply to selected compositions at the end of the essay. The main bulk of this study, however, is devoted to establishing what it was that institutions actually prescribed for the performance of Matins on major feasts. In order to accomplish these goals, the account that follows is both broad and narrow. It is broad because customaries and ordinals have a tendency either to generalize or to comment selectively on matters of performance, such that attention is rarely afforded to a specific saint’s feast, let alone a specific historia. We must therefore take a long view of the evidence to locate patterns and points of principle. But because historiae were never inextricably tied to a single performance context, we must narrow our focus in order to offer any kind of interpretation. In this study that narrowing leads us to the specific topic of patronal historiae as performed at their home institutions, that is, in honour of a given church’s patron saint. This focus confers three major advantages. First, a patronal feast is one of the few contexts in which we can be certain about the level of dignity afforded – which is to say, the very highest. Second, this is the context in which customaries and ordinals tend to be most descriptive. Consequently, third, it is the context in which we may see in sharpest relief the possible relationships between historia compositions and their performance. In giving attention to this obvious evidentiary extreme, it is not my intention to misrepresent or overstate the liturgical context of medieval historia performance, nor is it to deny the legitimacy or significance of other, less elaborate liturgical scenarios. Rather, it is to build up an understanding of the festal Matins experience that has been previously unavailable to scholarship, and thus to establish a perspective from which we may consider the historia genre anew. 15. For a brief but invaluable overview of French practices, based principally upon customaries from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see Oury 1971, especially the table on 160-161. For a discussion of medieval practices as they pertain specifically to the embellishment of responsories see Kelly 1985. 16. See, for example, Williams 1993, 89-93. 17. For an anticipation of this conclusion see Oury 1971, 158: “Le troisième Nocturne avait donc un traitement de fauveur”. 36 – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE Performance traditions at festal Matins The essence of the argument that follows lies in a simple truism: the solemnity of a medieval feast day corresponded to the degree of its liturgical elaboration. William Durandus defined the ‘double’ feast in exactly this way, as an occasion when performance habits at the office were literally ‘doubled’.18 Thus two singers sang the responsory verse rather than the normal one, while the antiphons at Matins and Vespers were sung twice through instead of once. The mindset was pervasive in medieval practice, as can be seen in those customaries where feasts are categorized by the number of singers intoning the first Matins chant (the invitatory),19 or in those that distinguish between major feasts when chants are sung ‘in pairs’ and those when they are not.20 In these contexts, the manner of musical performance was the measure of solemnity, and thus the calendar of office worship was in possession of its own aural hierarchy, a musical topography of feasts to be experienced over the longue durée of the church year. This much is well known. Less widely publicized, however, is the fact that the same musical topography could be experienced in microcosm within a single service of Matins. Consider the simple requirement in the tenth-century Regularis Concordia that, on the night of Christmas, “the fourth respond shall, for extra solemnity, be sung by two cantors”.21 We have already encountered 18. Durandus, ed. Davril and Thibodeau, 3:22 (VII.1.31): “Dicuntur quidem duplicia in quibusdam Ecclesiis pro eo quod responsoria, tam maiora quam breuia, et uersus a duobus cantantur, et quia omnia incipienda a duobus incipiuntur, et quia antiphone in matutinis et uesperis duplicantur”. 19. Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 10, 44, 62 etc.; Consuetudines Beccenses, ed. Dickson, 156-159. See also Oury 1971, 157: “Le nombre des chantres de l’Invitatoire est une manière de marquer la solennité”. 20. Ordo de oboedientis, ed. Spätling and Dinter, 140: “in festiuitatibus, quando duo et duo non canunt […] Quando autem duo et duo […]”; Consuetudines Floriacenses, ed. Davril, 306: “festiuitatibus, in quibus bini concinunt fratres”. 21. Regularis concordia anglicae nationis, ed. Hallinger, 98: “in quarto responsorio, ut honorificentius agatur, duo simul cantent”. Translation from Symons 1953, 28-29. 37 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES the basic idea of heightening the nocturn’s end in the Rule of Benedict. What this and so many other medieval regulatory texts do, though, is to augment that idea by other means. The specific idea in operation in the Regularis – of adding or subtracting singers to articulate moments of solemnity – seems to have been employed universally on major feasts. Similar arrangements can be found in customaries from Trier, Rheinau, Salisbury, Cluny, and Rouen, to name but a few, and variations on the theme abound.22 The principle was also extendable. If the solo singers were already ‘doubled’, as Durandus would have it, one could augment those forces with a third or fourth singer at the end of each nocturn.23 In many traditions this augmentation was also timed to coincide with a complete (as opposed to an abbreviated) repetition of the nocturnending responsory following the doxology.24 At Einsiedeln, furthermore, that repetition was directed to be sung “more sublimely” (“excelsius”).25 Thus by the simple alignment of performance directions, each Matins nocturn culminated emphatically in its final, most elaborate chant. With all of the brothers or sisters already on their feet, and with the doxology being sung – as per the Rule of Benedict – the trajectory of the experience must have been unambiguous. In certain customary traditions, the nocturns on major feasts were themselves directed to be performed unequally, such that there would have been an amplification of adornment across the service as a whole, analogous to the musical behaviours already mentioned. The Ochsenhausen/Garsten redaction of the Fruttuaria customary, for instance, states that when historiae are sung the eighth and twelfth responsories should be repeated, but not the fourth “unless truly beautiful” (“nisi quod ualde pulchrum est”).26 The same unevenness is present in the Decreta Lanfranci from eleventh-century Canterbury, whilst at Rheinau the repetition seems to have been required only of the last responsory.27 Lanfranc’s text also prescribes a gradual intensification of performing forces throughout the Matins responsories, as described in Table 1, in a manner that appears to have been popular in Anglo-French circles: pairs of singers are augmented to trios for the penultimate responsory of each nocturn, and that total is then progressively expanded for the final responsory.28 Similar kinds of arrangement can be found in documents associated with Saint Mary’s, York (three singers at the end of the first nocturn, four singers at the end of the second, five singers at the end of the third), Bec (three singers, four singers, seven singers), and Saint-Denis (four singers, five singers, seven singers), to name but a few.29 22. Consuetudines et observantiae, ed. Becker, 26; Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius, ed. Hänggi, 28; Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 44; Liber tramitis, ed. Dinter, e.g. 93; John of Avranches, De ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Migne, col. 61. – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE Table 1. The number of singers required for responsory solos at Matins on feast days, according to the eleventh-century Decreta Lanfranci 1st Nocturn Liturgical position 1 2 2nd Nocturn 3 4 1 2 3rd Nocturn 3 4 1 2 3 4 × Number of singers × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × With the performers thus arranged, the ends of nocturns were self-evidently prime locations for the performance of musical embellishments, both horizontal (melodic) and vertical (polyphonic), the latter of course being predicated on having more than one singer.30 Musicologists have long since deduced this from surviving chant books, but here we find a clear liturgical rationale. The earliest document to prescribe such practices at Matins appears to be the late tenthcentury Fleury customary attributed to Thierry of Amorbach: Four brothers of high rank, dressed in white copes, chant the twelfth [responsory]. Two of them should sing the normal chant, as if students, while two others standing behind them should sing in harmony below, as if teachers. They are called organistae.31 The near-contemporary Winchester Troper all but confirms this arrangement through its repertory of organal voices for responsories: the rubrics ‘fourth’, ‘eighth’, and ‘twelfth’ (‘quarta’, ‘octava’, and ‘duodecima’) unambiguously 23. See, for instance, Ordo de festivitatibus, ed. Spätling and Dinter, 237; Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 38. See also the early modern practices tabulated in Oury 1971, 160-161. 24. Ordo de oboedientis, ed. Spätling and Dinter, 140, 143; Redactio sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hallinger, 200. 25. Redactio sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hallinger, 200. 29. The Ordinal and Customary of the Abbey of Saint Mary, York, ed. McLachlan and Tolhurst, 1: 65; Consuetudines Beccenses, ed. Dickson, 157; The First Ordinary of the Royal Abbey of St.-Denis, ed. Foley, 630 (see also Table 5). 26. Ordo de oboedientis, ed. Spätling and Dinter, 143. Note the interest in beauty, as per Jerome of Moravia above. 30. 27. Decreta Lanfranci, ed. Knowles, 49; Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius, ed. Hänggi, 28. 28. Decreta Lanfranci, ed. Knowles, 49. 31. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 45-46: “duodecimum autem quatuor fratres in superioribus gradibus albis cappis amicti personant. Duo ex illis quasi discipuli naturalem cantum tenent, alii duo quasi magistri retro stantes succinnunt qui organiste vocantur”. On Thierry’s likely authorship see Davril 1975. 38 For a preliminary but illuminating treatment see Huglo 1995; see also Kelly 1985. 39 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES associate polyphony with the end of each monastic nocturn.32 The fourteenthcentury ordinal of Exeter Cathedral likewise asks for polyphony at the end of each nocturn, as well as during the opening hymn and closing Te Deum.33 Similar behaviours have also been documented in Tuscany, above all at the cathedral of Saint Martin, Lucca, where at Matins on the feast of St Regulus eight singers were assigned to give polyphonic renditions of the invitatory and ninth responsory, that is, the first and last proper chants.34 In all of these examples, as we can see, polyphony was not just a matter of custom or convention; it served to articulate moments of heightened liturgical importance – at the beginning of the service, and at the endings of the first two nocturns, and above all at the very end.35 It is also worth emphasizing that in these documents polyphony was an aspect of custom rather than of composition. The written records of historia thus reveal only one part of a considerably richer performance history. The tendency for office-ending chants to be embellished musically clearly relates to the tendency of customaries to allocate these chants either to a highranking individual or individuals, to the cantor and/or succentor, or simply to those “best equipped to perform such a duty”.36 This last quotation confirms that there was an element of pragmatism, since melismatic and polyphonic elaborations self-evidently required greater skill. But the employment of senior singers at crucial moments cannot be explained exclusively as a musical requirement, because hierarchy was itself absolutely central to the medieval conception of Matins on major feasts. Devotees of the English service of Nine Lessons and Carols, as performed each Christmas at King’s College, Cambridge, will know how the Matins-inspired sequence of nine lessons proceeds through the institutional ranks. Beginning with a child chorister, the readings are assigned to individuals of increasing eminence, such that the ninth and final lesson is the responsibility of the head of the college. Lest there be any doubt about the hierarchical intent, this design is supported both by a move from Old Testament prophecy (readings 1-4) to Gospel accounts (readings 5-9), and by the requirement that the congregation stand for the final, most theologically potent reading, from John 1:1. All of this creates a palpable sense of arrival at the end, which is all the more emphatic for its communication on a larger scale of a threshold between Advent and Christmas. Although this service was a creation of the late nineteenth century, its climactic shape traces its roots to the very sources we have been considering.37 One of the earliest documents to prescribe a hierarchical performance of Matins is the Redactio sancti Emmerammi, from late tenth-century Einsiedeln (after practices at Saint Emmeram, Regensburg), in which both the readings and the responsories were explicitly assigned to individuals of increasing rank.38 Thus children began the readings of the first nocturn; the reading at the end of the second nocturn was reserved for the inspector librorum; and the abbot read the final reading at the end of the third nocturn. We can interpret the hierarchical arrangement not only as a logical succession in its own right, but also specifically as a dramatic anticipation of an endpoint which, according to the requirements of the Benedictine Rule, was already to be presided over by the abbot. We can also infer that an ascending hierarchy had the ability to gesture beyond itself, to Christ and to God, both figuratively in the person of the abbot and liturgically in the theocentric texts of the Te Deum and the Gospel which concluded the service’s upward trajectory. According to the Redactio sancti Emmerammi, the responsories followed a parallel course. The only exception, widely echoed in other customaries, was that the abbot sang the responsory at the end of the second nocturn, and the cantor then sang the final responsory. The inversion of the abbot and cantor surely was musically motivated, in part, although it is worth noting that the nocturns still ended with officials, thus providing intermediary points of arrival within a larger liturgical arc.39 A more complex version of this arrangement can be seen in the twelfth-century Fruttuaria customary redaction from Ochsenhausen/Garsten, summarized in Table 2, in which we learn that institutional rank not only structured the Matins responsory series as a whole (the performers ascend from boys to maiores fratres) but also marked out the end of each nocturn (the performers come from the more senior ranks of maiores fratres, abbot, and cantor, here indicated in bold).40 The reading series of the Fruttuaria customary unfolded similarly. 32. GB-Ccc 473, especially fols. 175v-179r. 33. Ordinale Exon, ed. Dalton et al., 1:19. 34. Ziino 1975, especially 20-21; Brand 2008, 42-43. 35. The same was clearly the case for extended neumata and prosulae, as explored further in Huglo 1995, 31-34; Kelly 1985. See also Goudesenne 2002a, 189-194. 36. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 45: “fratres in superioribus gradibus”; Redactio Helmstadiana-Fuldensis, ed. Hallinger, 331: “in precipuis festiuitatibus hi debent Uenite et duodecimum responsorium et Alleluia canere, qui tale officium optime implere possint”. 40 – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE 37. The service was originally conceived for use at Truro cathedral, in England, where it concluded (perhaps more appropriately) with a final reading from the bishop. See Benson 1899, I, 484, in which we learn that Bishop Benson devised the service from “ancient sources”. One of these sources was in all likelihood the thirteenth-century customary of Salisbury Cathedral, whose text had already been printed in England twice during the 1850s, once in Latin (Rock 1849-1853, appendix to III.2, 1-74) and once in a partial English translation (Chambers 1852, 433-439). 38. Redactio sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hallinger, 203-204. 39. In the early twelfth-century Gesta of the abbots of Sint-Truiden we learn anecdotally that the right to sing a responsory was granted by the cantor (here described with the synonym armarius). From this it follows that the cantor did not substitute for the abbot in the final responsory, but performed it ex officio. See Rudolf, Gesta Abbatum Trudonensium, ed. Pertz, 232: “Cumque ad illud responsorium ventum fuisset, quod cantandum abbati ab armario defertur, significavit abbas armario, ut memorato iuveni pro se cantandum deferret, eo loco quo stabat in ultimo”. 40. Ordo de oboedientis, ed. Spätling and Dinter, 140-141. 41 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES Table 2. The roster of performers at Matins on principal feasts, according to the twelfth-century Consuetudines Fructuarienses IIIb (Ochsenhausen/Garsten redaction) Table 3. The ranks of performers at Matins on principal feasts, as far as can be inferred from the thirteenth-century ordinal of Adam of Corlandon, from Laon Cathedral 1 Nocturn st 2nd Nocturn 3 Nocturn rd 1 Reader(s) Responsory singer(s) Boys (Cantor’s choice) THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE Antiphons 1st Nocturn Inv. Bishop 1 2 3 Priests Readings Responsories 1 2 3 1 2 3 2 Boys Boys 3 Minor youths and novices Boys 4 Major brothers Major brothers 5 Major youths and middle seniors [Minor] youths and novices 6 Major brothers Major youths and middle seniors 7 Major brothers Major brothers 8 Cantor Abbot 5 9 Hebdomadary deacon [Minor] youths and novices 6 10 Major brothers Major youths and middle seniors 4 Child 4 5 Subdeacon 5 6 Deacon 6 7 Archdeacon 7 8 Dean 8 9 Bishop 9 11 Major brothers Major brothers 12 Abbot Cantor plus colleague In some institutions the patterns were even more complex than this. The thirteenthcentury Laon ordinal, for instance, went so far as to detail ascending clerical ranks for the daylight office antiphons, as if there were a growing anticipation of Second Vespers.41 A more widespread practice involved setting up a reverse hierarchy for the psalm antiphons at Matins on major feasts, such that the first or second antiphon was intoned by the bishop, the abbot, or a senior cleric, followed by lesser individuals in sequence.42 As is stated unambiguously in the late tenthcentury Einsiedeln customary: “The antiphons are begun by the seniors, then going in order [per ordinem] to the juniors. But the responsories are drawn from the juniors to the seniors, similarly the lessons”.43 Although it is difficult to know how this was experienced in performance, the inverse hierarchy of the antiphons may well have served to draw attention to the ascending hierarchy of the responsories later on. Table 3 shows how this might have played out in Matins at Laon, where the bishop’s singing thus framed the service as a whole.44 It seems reasonable to suppose that the assignment of the first chant to the bishop, as opposed to whichever individual was otherwise named on the week’s roster, primed the assembled clerics to reflect on the ensuing hierarchical play. 41. Adam de Corlandon, De ordine officiorum, ed. Chevalier, 193. 42. Ibidem, 200; Redactio sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hallinger, 203. Redactio Helmstadiana-Fuldensis, ed. Hallinger, 330: “Ea nocte […] in precipua eiusdem monasterii festiuitate abbas primam antiphonam debet pronuntiare innuente et notante cantore”. 43. Redactio sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hallinger, 203: “A prioribus deinde incipiantur antifone per ordinem ueniendo ad iuniores. Sed responsoria a iunioribus diriuentur ad priores, similiter lectiones”. 44. Adam de Corlandon, De ordine officiorum, ed. Chevalier, 194, 200-201. See also the tables in Oury 1971, 160-161. 42 – 2nd Nocturn 3 Nocturn rd 4 Child Subdeacon Subdeacon Clerical rank as for readings Cantor sings repeat of R3 Deacons 7 Clerical rank as for readings Succentor sings repeat of R6 Subdeacons 8 9 Clerical rank as for readings Cantor sings repeat of R9 These hierarchies were also sometimes altered for dramatic and theological effect, thereby confirming that value was ordinarily attached to them. This was famously the case for the high medieval ritual of the Boy Bishop, usually celebrated on the feast of the Holy Innocents, when the clerical grades were playfully turned upside down and the liturgical responsibilities were swapped accordingly. A more sophisticated example is the staging of Matins for All Saints according to the thirteenth-century customary of Salisbury Cathedral, where the roster of performers descended in rank as far as the boys’ performance of the eighth lesson and responsory. As the customary makes clear, this was a pointed inversion of the normal festal practice: “The roster is arranged such that the most senior person reads the first lesson, and so on in descending order, like the ascending order on other double feasts”.45 The culmination of this reordering was an unambiguously dramatic rendition of the eighth responsory, in honour of the holy virgins, performed by five candlebearing boys specially dressed to look like their subjects.46 45. Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 41: “tabula disponitur, ut exellentior persona primam lectionem legat, et ita fiat descensus sicut ascensus in aliis festis duplicibus”. My emphasis. 46. Breviarium, ed. Procter and Wordsworth, 3:963-978. Cf. Ordinale Exon, ed. Dalton et al., 1:270-271: “ad modum virginum feminarum”. 43 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES The Salisbury example is valuable not only for what it says about hierarchy, but also because it draws our attention to the prominent role of the senses in articulating and supporting the underlying liturgical trajectory. Just as the boys wore special vestments for All Saints, it was customary on the most important feasts at Salisbury (and elsewhere) to have costume changes that aligned with the high points of the Matins liturgy. Copes were therefore worn for the readings of the final nocturn (Salisbury, for Christmas), for the final responsories of each nocturn (Rouen; Canterbury; Saint-Denis, for the patronal feast), for the readings of the final nocturn (Rouen), for the final responsory of all (Fleury), and even for the final repeat of the final responsory (Worcester, for St Stephen).47 On the feast of St Denis, as celebrated at the saint’s eponymous institution, the first responsory of Matins was additionally performed in copes, while the penultimate responsories of the second and third nocturns were performed in the slightly lesser attire of a tunic or cassock (“in frocis”) as if anticipating the copes.48 Meanwhile, the Liber Ordinarius of Rheinau describes how on the highest feasts, including the patronal festival of St Findan, three cloths or hangings (“pallia”) of different colours were gradually removed from the altar, the first at the doxology concluding the first nocturn, the second at the conclusion of the second nocturn, and the third as the homily begins in the third nocturn.49 This strange altar-stripping ceremony, also documented in lesser form at Fleury, may have been designed to draw attention to the location of the saint’s relics, if not also to tantalize with the possibility that the successive undressings might soon reveal the bones themselves.50 Incense was also critical to the larger sensory experience of Matins. The aforementioned Rheinau ordinal is unusually specific in requiring a threefold censing of altars during the penultimate lesson of each nocturn, presumably with the intention of enveloping the final lesson and responsory in a cloud of sweet-smelling odour.51 Lanfranc directed the same at Canterbury, while at Laon, Saint-Denis, Rouen, and Fleury the censing occurred either at the beginning or simply during each nocturn.52 It also seems to have been common practice to cense during the Te Deum. Most customaries additionally request that the thurifers wear copes, and the Fleury document specifically asks that one thurifer come from each side of the quire, invoking a spatial aspect to the ritual that seems to have been valued at that institution. The lector at Matins was thus always directed to be followed by a singer from the other side of the quire; and on major feasts at Fleury both individuals were required to perform not in their seats but in medio chori.53 Although customaries are not always specific on this matter, it appears that having some kind of alternation from side to side was indeed the norm on major feasts.54 This transverse motion can be seen as its own kind of trajectory, in that it creates a perpetual source of anticipation, fulfilled only when the final chant or reading arrives at the feet of the most (or least) eminent member of the community. A final aspect of the sensory experience at Matins concerns the level of illumination. Whilst many documents associate the number of candles with the rank of feast, the tenth- and eleventh-century Einsiedeln and Fleury customaries ask specifically for candles to be lit in the final nocturn of Matins on major feasts.55 The thirteenth-century Fleury customary goes one step further: it devotes an entire chapter to regulating the illumination of nocturnal offices, with particular attention to the successive lighting of candles over the course of the Matins nocturns.56 The latter account includes the intriguing requirement that the antiphoner be sufficiently illuminated for the final nocturn, which must presumably be understood in the context of the increasingly ornate music. The same chapter also mentions the excessive financial burden of fully illuminating the church, and accordingly restricts the maximal use of candles to the highest feasts only. Given that the natural light levels were (if anything) increasing at this moment, with dawn soon to be breaking, there can be little doubt that the candles were intended principally to intensify the festal proceedings as they drew to a close. In conjunction with a hagiographic narrative that concluded at this moment, they may have referenced or resonated with the common topos of 47. Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 53; John of Avranches, De ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Migne, cols. 40, 57; Decreta Lanfranci, ed. Knowles, 48; The First Ordinary, ed. Foley, 629-630; Fragmenta quaedam ex ordinario, ed. Migne, col. 124; Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 45. The Worcester direction comes as a rubric within the thirteenth-century antiphoner GB-WO F.160, fol. 18v: “ultima responsoria repetatur in cappis albis”. 48. The First Ordinary, ed. Foley, 630. See also Table 5, below. 49. Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius, ed. Hänggi, 32-33; twelve decorative “pallia” were also hung in the quire and presbytery on major feasts, on which see ibidem, 30. 50. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 44. 51. Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius, ed. Hänggi, 31. Note that incense is itself cumulative, in that there will be more incense in the building in the third nocturn than in the first. 44 – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE 52. Decreta Lanfranci, ed. Knowles, 49; Adam de Corlandon, De ordine officiorum, ed. Chevalier, 193; The First Ordinary, ed. Foley, 630; John of Avranches, De ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Migne, col. 60; Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 44. Further consideration of censing practices may be found in Oury 1971, 158-159. 53. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 43-44. 54. Der Zurzacher Liber Ordinarius, ed. Wittwer, 136; Ordo de oboedientis, ed. Spätling and Dinter, 140; Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 30, 32, 53; The Ordinal and Customary of the Abbey of Saint Mary, York, ed. McLachlan and Tolhurst, 1:65. The practice is also prescribed in the Old Roman tradition, as found in a rubric in I-Rvat, Archivio S. Pietro B 79, fol. 4r. Finally, alternation also implicit in Table 3, where the cantor sings the repeat of R3 and R9 (odd-numbered, nocturn-ending chants) while the succentor does the same for R6 (even-numbered). 55. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 44; Redactio sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hallinger, 200. 56. Consuetudines Floriacenses, ed. Davril, 306. 45 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE a brightening light around the moment of death. Equally, given that candles were famously extinguished for dramatic effect at Matins during the Easter Triduum, this festal practice – which at Fleury was also employed in the first days of Eastertide – probably derived much of its meaning from the penitential inversion (and vice versa). Table 5. A summary of performance details for responsories at Matins on the feast of St Denis, according to the thirteenth-century ordinal of Saint-Denis 1st Nocturn 1 2 2nd Nocturn 3 4 1 2 3rd Nocturn 3 1 Number of singers Hierarchy 2 2nd Nocturn 3 1 2 × × × Boy × 3rd Nocturn 3 1 2 × × × × Subdeacon, 2nd form × × 3 58. The First Ordinary, ed. Foley, 629-630. 59. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, ed. Hallinger, 42-43. 46 3 4 × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × Cleric, upper step By now it should be apparent that none of these performance details functioned in isolation. Customaries sometimes make it difficult to envisage the cumulative effect of their prescriptions, but some diagrammatic representations should suffice to communicate the kinds of liturgical architecture being created. Table 4 summarizes the performance information for Matins on the feast of St Thomas (and related feasts) as prescribed in thirteenth-century Salisbury.57 The example is interesting because it shows how the choice of personnel supported the liturgical trajectory in three different ways: the number of performers articulated the shape of the nocturns, while the long-term shape of Matins was projected by a roster that ascended not only in clerical rank but also spatially, from the lowest benches of the boys to the second set of stalls (the second form) to the seats at the back (the upper step). Table 5 shows what happens when this kind of arrangement is brought into dialogue with sensory and choreographic details. In this detailed set of customs for the patronal feast at Saint-Denis, broadly contemporary with those from Salisbury, we can discern trajectories not only in the rank and number of singers but also, remarkably, in the grade of vestments being worn.58 Finally, Table 6 reveals the vivid conjunction of musical and sensory stimuli ordained for Matins at Fleury on its highest twelve-lesson feasts, with monophony bursting into polyphony for the final proper chant.59 Among the feasts of this rank at Fleury was the translation of St Benedict, when a historia was undoubtedly sung. Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, ed. Harper et al., 44. 2 × Musical directions Repeat resp. Hierarchy 57. 1 Number of singers Table 4. A summary of performance details for responsories at Matins on lesser twelve-lesson feasts, according to the thirteenth-century customary of Salisbury Cathedral 1st Nocturn 4 4 seniors + abbot Vestments Copes Senses Censing of altar Copes Tunics Copes Censing of altar Tunics Copes Censing of altar Table 6. A summary of performance details for responsories at Matins on major feasts, according to the late tenth-century customary of Fleury 1st Nocturn 1 2 2nd Nocturn 3 4 1 2 3rd Nocturn 3 4 1 2 3 4 Number of singers Musical directions × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × × Monophony Polyphony Repeat resp. Repeat resp. Repeat resp. Vestments White copes Hierarchy Junior Senses Censing of altar Senior Censing of altar Censing of altar More light, altar laid bare Choreography All stand as abbot moves to lectern 47 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES Historiae through the lens of performance A picture is now emerging of a sophisticated and surprisingly well coordinated set of liturgical customs for the performance of Matins on the highest feasts, as employed across the Latin West, in institutions both monastic and secular, from at least the tenth century on. Although every institution had its own customs, by definition, the foregoing survey has shown widespread agreement in the basic notion of a progressively embellished service, creating the kind of experiential architecture which – we might once have assumed – was exclusive to the medieval mass. Through the careful deployment of vestments, sensory stimuli, and musical forces, techniques, and hierarchies, communities used performance practices both to articulate and to intensify the short- and longterm narrative arcs of the underlying festal Matins liturgy. At the beginning of this essay I suggested that historiae already flourished in a teleological context, above all those compositions that staged birth-to-death narratives within the basic liturgical frame of Matins. Now that we have established that historiae were also potentially staged in this manner, it remains only to show what can be gained from interpreting compositions in this way. For reasons already explained, the ‘patronal’ performance of historiae is the most productive and methodologically palatable context in which to proceed. But it is by no means problem free. At the heart of the issue is the fact that historiae cannot simply be matched up to documents of custom. Even in the rare instances where customaries and patronal historia compositions survive from the same institution, and do so in stable textual recensions, it is still hard to demonstrate a historically meaningful relationship, let alone a secure basis for interpreting the performances that may have resulted.60 I leave that minefield for others to explore. What I propose to do here is simply to survey some of possibilities arising, acknowledging the value of an enriched, teleological perspective while abstaining from specific historical pronouncements. Let us begin by considering the late ninth- or early tenth-century historia composed at Saint Gall in honour of its eponymous patron saint.61 In this composition, as in so many others, the three significant chapters of the saint’s life story – namely, his youth and early signs of sanctity, his monastic foundation at Saint Gall, and the events of his old age and death – are told within the responsories of the three respective nocturns. (The same events are also narrated in the office antiphons for the day, but over a longer span, which ends at Lauds). This is the widely employed schema to which I referred at the beginning of the essay, whose trajectory is already eminently teleological: with the final Matins chants telling of the protagonist’s attainment of sanctity, followed immediately by the stirring strains of the Te Deum, the service works towards a simultaneous climax of narrative, theology, and liturgy. The St Gall historia takes on a new light, however, when we factor in customs of hierarchical performance. A characteristic arrangement of singers would imply that the novitiate were assigned to give voice to the sounds of Gall’s youth, including his signs of early promise (first nocturn); it would mean that the full members of the community then told of the foundation of their own monastic house, with the assistance of his deacon Magnus (second nocturn); and it would mean that, finally, the senior members of the community sang of the exemplary elder monk who was on the verge of sanctity (third nocturn). Aligning past events with those of the present, this manner of performance produces something that goes far beyond dramatic re-enactment. Much in the same way that the St Gall responsories speak of an “hour of prayer” (“horam orationis”) and “vigils of the night” (“vigilias noctis”) – thus playing on the slippage between the historical moment and the present act of performing Matins – a hierarchical performance of the St Gall historia underlines the connection between the exemplary career path of the saint and that of each monk living a life in his image.62 According to the same line of reasoning, one might assign a deacon to sing the responsory about the historically exemplary deacon Magnus. It is of course a leap to assume that any aspect of performance at St Gall played out in this way, but, at the risk of circularity, it does seem that this composition was fundamentally well-suited to the purpose. This interpretation can be applied to a great number of historiae, in fact, provided the chants narrate a straightforward birth-to-death narrative. But it is less appropriate for those compositions that tell a more complex narrative, or that mix biography with sentiments of praise and thanksgiving. A good example of the latter is the late tenth- or early eleventh-century historia of St Martial of Limoges.63 In this composition the three main episodes of the saint’s life (youth, mission, death) are narrated within the responsories of the three Matins nocturns, but are interrupted by responsories that are laudatory in tone, specifically the first (R1) and the three nocturn-ending responsories (R4, R8, R12). Although a simple hierarchical scheme does this historia no favours, the composition maps effortlessly onto the directions found in Table 2. Performed in this way, the narrative responsories at Matins (R2-3, R5-7, R9-11) proceed in order of rank, but are periodically interrupted by senior individuals singing responsories of more laudatory character, three of which conclude with the 60. Examples of local historia-customary pairs known to me come from Rheinau (Liber Ordinarius and historia of Saint Findan), Fleury (Consuetudines and historia of Saint Benedict), and Saint-Denis (Ordinary and historia of Saint Denis). All would make interesting case studies for further research. 61. Historia Sancti Galli, ed. Tremp et al. (Historiae 21). For more on historia composition at Saint Gall see Möller 2000; Hiley 2008a. 48 62. – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE Historia Sancti Galli, 47 and 64. 63. I refer to the version found in F-Pn lat. 1085, edited in Emerson 1999, 47-62. 49 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES doxology (R1, R4, R8, R12). The beauty of this arrangement is that it preserves the association between narrative progression and hierarchical progression, while also sustaining the well-established association between senior figures and exhortations to praise, as exemplified in the abbot’s intonation of Te Deum. There is thus an unambiguous intensification of both narration and laudation towards the service’s end. The corollary of this intensified journey is an intensified sense of arrival at the end. It has never been a secret that the final Matins responsory of a historia is normally musically and textually weightier than the rest. However, knowledge of the liturgical emphasis placed on this moment allows us to think more carefully about the sentiments that tended to be articulated concurrently. Ubiquitous among final responsories, predictably, are the themes of triumph and victory. Yet the interface between historia and Te Deum also admits some more sophisticated kinds of expression. One such example is a request for saintly intercession. Out of context this is a standard trope, albeit an important one for a Christian seeking God’s grace. In context, at the heady conclusion of the nocturnal vigil, it suggests the analogy between this liminal liturgical space and the saint’s transitory state between earth and heaven, between his people and God. The eleventh-century historia of St Emmeram provides an excellent example.64 Coming at the end of the saint’s life narrative, the final Matins responsory closes with the intercessory plea to “pray for us unworthy people” (“ora pro nobis indignis”). Designated as the repetendum, the sentiment has been placed such that it must be performed three or four times (according to the formal scheme of a nocturn-ending responsory), the last time immediately before the Te Deum. Clothed with an emphatic melisma, this line is in every sense the culmination of the night’s worship. In other compositions the message of the last chant is more straightforwardly concerned with arriving at a destination. Thus the final Matins responsory of the aforementioned historia of St Willibald comes to rest on the phrase “he safely reached Jerusalem” (“ad ipsam Hierosolimam […] salvus pervenit”).65 As mentioned at the beginning of this essay, this historia was noted even in its own day for its crescendo of nocturn-ending melismas, the last of which (on “safely”, anticipating the verb “reached”) was truly gargantuan, and was clothed with an extraordinary trilingual prosula in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew.66 In purely historical terms, the chant described Willibald’s journey to the Holy Land, and clearly the theme of peregrination was supported both by the inordinate length of the melisma and by the linguistic artifice of the prosula. But of course this chant could also be seen metaphorically. The journey was the saint’s life journey, and the safe arrival in Jerusalem was his ultimate attainment of sanctity, suggestively anticipated by the floating, untethered sounds of an extended melisma before concluding with his arrival in heaven (on “reached”).67 Given what we now know about possible performance contexts, it seems likely that this metaphorical reading of Willibald’s life was the one that triumphed. Already emphasized by the melisma and, in turn, by its threefold repetition within the telescopic structure of the responsory, the “reaching” was apt to be solemnised further by an extra repeat of the chant, by the cantor’s vocal prowess, by the addition of further singers or polyphonists, by the lighting of more candles, by the wearing of copes, by another threefold censing of altars, or by any of the other features so far described. 64. Arnold of Saint Emmeram, Historia sancti Emmerammi, ed. Hiley (Historiae 2), 19. 65. D-TRb Abt. 95, Nr. 5, fols. 104v-124r. The manuscript was recently indexed for the Cantus database by Alison Altstatt, at <http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/index?source=123757>, accessed 31 July 2017. 66. 50 Morin 1917; van Dieten 1990. – THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE Modal order and the question of perceptibility Given this essay’s emphasis on long-term patterns and trajectories in the Night Office, it would be remiss to conclude without commenting on the matter of modal order, a source of ‘narrative’ at Matins which has thus far evaded discussion.68 Although the composition of successive chants in successive (or otherwise patterned) modes was clearly a central aspect of historia design from the tenth century onward, scholars have never been able to agree on what this meant in practice. Peter Wagner voiced what is now the majority view when he described the practice as “eine interessante Spielerei”, which is to say, something perceptible only to the composer or analyst.69 But others, apparently informed by their own performing intuition, have sought to understand modal order in terms of an intense and/or intensifying musical experience.70 In this essay we have encountered evidence that permits us to approach this question anew, and thus to offer a final point of reflection. A straightforward example to consider is the early tenth-century historia of St Cuthbert, which is among the earliest known to have been composed with numerically organized chants.71 As Table 7 shows, both the antiphons and the responsories at Matins are arranged in order from 1 to 8, and this is followed by a 67. The association of melismas with the ineffable, divine, and angelic has a long history, summarised helpfully in Kruckenberg 2006, 250-251, 265-267, 289-298. 68. The oft-cited authority on this matter is Hughes 1983, who explores the alignment of mode and narrative on pages 40-42. 69. Wagner 1908, 19. 70. Crocker 1986, 489; Page 2010, 383; Fassler 2010, 124, 500, note 57. Although not concerned primarily with performance, Brand 2008, 32-38, makes a strong case for a compositional relationship between narrative, modal order, and modality in the historia of Saint Regulus. 71. I refer to the nine-lesson version of this historia, normally dated to the 930s, as found in GB-Ccc 183, fols. 94r-95v. These texts are edited in a different liturgical order in Hohler 1956, 169-175. For important reflections on the chronology of modal ordering as a phenomenon see Hiley 2003b. The earliest modally ordered historia is normally attributed to Stephen of Liège (d. 920), on whom see Jonsson 1968. 51 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES return to mode 1 for the final chants.72 Considered in isolation, this is indeed little more than a “Spielerei”. But if we now imagine that over the course of Matins these same modally ordered chants had projected a hagiographic narrative from birth to death, culminating in Cuthbert’s dramatic entry into heaven, and if we further assume that these chants were projected by a rising and swelling hierarchy of performers, it becomes easy to imagine mode as a further layer of narrative. In the most basic terms, the modal sequence can be understood as a means of creating contrast, and thus motion, from chant to chant. In a musically literate community, though, one might well notice (or prime oneself to notice) a numerical succession, which is readily interpretable as a metaphorical journey or ascent. But more complex readings are also possible. If we consider that in many institutions the singers alternated sides, the possibility emerges of a performance arena divided into ‘authentic’ and ‘plagal’ spaces. Or if we consider the strong association between melodic elaboration and responsories in modes 1 and 8, exemplified by the famously ineffable neuma triplex (in mode 1) and first noted by Peter Wagner, we can imagine how an entrance into these areas of modality brought with it certain expectations.73 Perhaps it was the knowledge of an approaching end, or perhaps it was the heady anticipation of the as yet unknown embellishment that was about to unfold. full of risk. Thus the simple provision of a predetermined pattern – any pattern, it should be emphasized, provided those responsible knew to expect it – can be seen as a relatively unobtrusive means of aiding the service’s smooth passage. The whole question of what modal order meant depends, ultimately, on what we think was being listened for. Although much of this essay has dwelt on momentary sensory experiences, the very notion of expectation brings us back to the essay’s opening claim: that a historia, along with the liturgical frame in which it was performed, might be experienced teleologically – which is to say, in terms of an anticipated end. So far we have dwelt upon the ways in which anticipation could be fostered in performance by sensory, musical, and narrative means. However, in the end – to voice a second truism – nothing primes our expectation like foreknowledge. In discussing the liturgical experience of a historia, we are certainly at liberty to question whether every chant text in a medieval historia was comprehensible in performance, whether the twelfth responsory was genuinely more intense than the eleventh or tenth, whether a sequence of modes had an effect either in the short or long term, or whether the selection of a particular performer was at all meaningful in a given moment. But in every instance we can also be assured of some basic competencies: that a community knew the legend of its patron saint; that they knew the shape of Matins as performed throughout the year on Sundays and feasts, together with the customs that adorned different ranks of celebration; that those who had received their musical education either perceived a modal pattern or knew to expect it; and that everyone knew in advance the roster of singers, readers, thurifers, and candlebearers who were to perform that night. As it happens, foreknowledge of an ultimate end was also a common trope in saints’ lives. The author of the historia of St Cuthbert captured the sentiment perfectly, whether or not the self-reference was actually intended, when he attached the melisma of the final Matins responsory to none other than the word “praesciuit” (“he foreknew”).74 Those who sang the office thus foreknew the liturgical climax in which their saint revealed that he foreknew it too. We can read the chant this way because Matins on major saints’ feasts was more than just a departure from daily liturgical norms. It was an expected departure from those norms, whose elaborate customs were to be savoured not only as the expressions of utmost solemnity, but also for their role in projecting and supporting highly meaningful confluences of liturgical, musical, and hagiographic trajectories. If a composer or performer understood the festal Matins liturgy in this way, in full knowledge of its intensifying shape and ultimate telos, they were well placed to reap the rewards. Table 7. The alignment of chant mode and hagiographic narrative at Matins in the tenth-century historia of St Cuthbert Inv. A1 A2 A3 R1 R2 R3 A4 A5 A6 R4 R5 R6 A7 A8 A9 R7 R8 R9 Ant. mode Resp. mode Narrative 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 Life and miracles 3 5 6 7 4 5 6 8 1 7 8 1 Death Equally, now that we have a sense of the importance of narrative trajectory at Matins, we can interpret the modal patterns as a failsafe that ensured that the chants proceeded in the correct order. This possibility is especially important to consider given the larger message of this essay, because the more we imagine festal Matins in terms of a liturgical Gesamtkunstwerk, the more we must acknowledge the logistical and memorial challenges that its performance posed. This was, after all, a service that took place in the dark, early hours of the morning, on the eve of a feast that had plenty more liturgical burdens besides. Moreover, as an elaborate expression of faith and an articulation of communal identity, the occasion was 72. THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE The modal information is inferred from GB-Lbl Harley 1117, fols. 43r-44r and GB-WO F.160, fols. 212r-213v. 73. Wagner 1921, 345; Goudesenne 2002a, 192; Maurey 2014b, 149-168. On the neuma see, among others, Kelly 1985 and 1988. 52 – 74. The responsory in question, O beatum presulem, is first attested in GB-Ccc 183, fol. 95v. It appears with melody in GB-Lbl, Harley 1117, fol. 44r, and later with pitch-specific notation in GB-WO F.160, fol. 213v; Holman 1963, 42. 53 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PARKES I. Tenth century Einsiedeln: Redactio sancti Emmerammi, dicta Einsidlensis, in Consuetudinum Saeculi X/XI/XII: Monumenta Non-Cluniacensia, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.3 (1984), 187256. Fleury: Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, in Consuetudinum Saeculi X/XI/XII: Monumenta Non-Cluniacensia, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.3 (1984), 3-60. Winchester: Regularis concordia anglicae nationis, in Consuetudinum Saeculi X/XI/ XII: Monumenta Non-Cluniacensia, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.3 (1984), 61-147. II. Eleventh century Canterbury: Decreta Lanfranci monachis Cantuariensibus transmissa, ed. David Knowles, CCM 3 (1967). Cluny: Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Peter Dinter, CCM 10 (1980). Fulda: Redactio Helmstadiana-Fuldensis, in Consuetudinum Saeculi X/XI/XII: Monumenta Non-Cluniacensia, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.3 (1984), 323-364. Rouen: John of Avranches, De ecclesiasticis officiis, in PL 147, 27-62. III. Twelfth century Fruttuaria II: Ordo de festivitatibus, in Consuetudines Fructuarienses – Sanblasianae, ed. Luchesius G. Spätling and Peter Dinter, CCM 12.1 (1985), 91-258. Fruttuaria IIIb: Ordo de oboedientis, in Consuetudines Fructuarienses – Sanblasianae, ed. Luchesius G. Spätling and Peter Dinter, CCM 12.2 (1987), 101-266. Rheinau: Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius (Zürich Rh 80, Anfang 12. Jh.), ed. Anton Hänggi, Spicilegium Friburgense 1 (Fribourg: Universitätsverlag, 1957). IV. Thirteenth century Bec: Consuetudines Beccenses, ed. Marie Pascal Dickson, CCM 4 (1967). Fleury: Consuetudines Floriacenses saeculi tertii decimi, ed. Anselm Davril, CCM 9 (1976). Laon: Adam de Corlandon, De ordine officiorum, in Ordinaires de l’eglise de Laon (XIIe et XIIIe siècles), ed. Ulysse Chevalier (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1897), 189-384. Saint-Denis: The First Ordinary of the Royal Abbey of St.-Denis in France (Paris Bibliothèque Mazarine 526), ed. Edward B. Foley, Spicilegium Friburgense 32 (Fribourg: The University Press, 1990). Salisbury: Sarum Customary Online, 1: The Old Customary, from the Old Register, Chippenham, W&SA, D1/1/1 [OCO], ed. John Harper, Christopher Hodkinson, and Matthew Cheung Salisbury, trans. Henry Howard (Bangor University, 2013), accessed April 8, 2015 <http://www.sarumcustomary.org.uk/exploring/PDF_files/1%20OCO/ OCO-LE.pdf>. V. Fourteenth century Exeter: Ordinale Exon (Exeter Chapter MS 3502 collated with Parker MS 93), ed. John Neale Dalton, Gilbert Hunter Doble, and Christopher William Surrey, Henry Bradshaw Society vols. 37, 38, 63, and 79 (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1909-1940). 54 THEOLOGY AND TELEOLOGY IN THE FESTAL NIGHT OFFICE Zurzach: Der Zurzacher Liber Ordinarius Und Seine Beziehungen Zur Marbacher Liturgie, ed. Peter Wittwer, Spicilegium Friburgense 40 (Fribourg: Academic Press, 2004). [N.B. The text is thought to derive from the eleventh century.] Appendix. List of Customaries and Ordinals Cited CCM = Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, ed. Kassius Hallinger (Siegburg: Franz Schmitt, 1963-) PL = Patrologia Latina, ed. Jacques Paul Migne, 221 vols. (Paris 1844-1865) – VI. Fifteenth century St. Mary’s, York: The Ordinal and Customary of the Abbey of Saint Mary, York (Saint John’s College, Cambridge, MS. D.27), ed. Laurentia McLachlan and John B. L. Tolhurst, Henry Bradshaw Society vols. 73, 75, and 84 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1936-1951). Trier: Consuetudines et observantiae monasteriorum sancti Mathiae et sancti Maximini Treverensium ab Iohanne Rode Abbate Conscriptae, ed. Peter Becker, CCM 5 (1968). VII. Unknown date Rouen: Fragmenta quaedam ex ordinario ms. cathedralis ecclesiae Rotomag. desumpta, PL 147, 123-128. 55 Benjamin Brand University of North Texas, Denton Literary and musical borrowing in a versified office for St Donatus of Arezzo Musical borrowing is one of the most common and well documented compositional techniques in medieval historiae. The melodies of the antiphons and responsories of newer offices often derive from those of older ones. In some cases the new chant is a contrafactum, which involves little or no change to the preexisting melody; in others, it presents significant modifications of the original tune.1 Despite the widely acknowledged role of musical borrowing in the creation of the vast repertoire of medieval historiae, the extra-musical significance of this compositional procedure remains largely unexplored.2 This lacuna is particularly conspicuous given the attention paid to the theological implications of contrafacta in other genres of plainsong, notably the sequence.3 Because historiae are sets of multiple chants whose texts often form a narrative, the use of musical borrowing in them raises distinctive questions. How might a contrafactum have inflected the meaning not only of its chant but also of the larger office to which it belonged? How might it have related to instances of literary borrowing elsewhere in the office, a technique likewise characteristic of medieval historiae? Two hitherto unrecognized contrafacta in a versified office for St Donatus of Arezzo provide answers to these questions. Known as Splendor stelle clare lucis because of the text incipit of its initial antiphon, this office was most likely composed in Arezzo in the late thirteenth century.4 Four of its responsories allude to St Donatus’s translation to the city’s cathedral in 1032, a bit of local history that points to Arezzo as its likely place of origin.5 Since the early thirteenth century the saint’s relics had been in the city’s two most important churches, with his body in the cathedral and his head in the baptismal parish, or pieve.6 Splendor stelle clare lucis accordingly survives in manuscripts 1. Boyce 2000 illustrates these different approaches in a single office. On musical borrowing in the late medieval office in general see Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 1, 254-263. 2. An exception is Hankeln 2009b. 3. E.g. Saucier 2012 and Fassler 1993. 4. LMLO DO52. The texts are edited in AH, vol. 24, no. 70, pp. 207-210, based on a copy of the office in the seventeenth-century manuscript I-Rval G.76 5. See below, pp. 63-64. 6. Freni 2006 at 33-39, with additional bibliography. 57 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRAND from both institutions. Arezzo, Archivio Capitolare (henceforth ARd) Duomo H and ARd Pieve C are large choirbooks comprising irregular assortments of fascicles copied over the course of the fourteenth century. Donatus’s office appears in the earliest layer of each manuscript, both datable to circa 1300, judging from the style of their illuminations.7 ARd Duomo H and ARd Pieve C are miscellanies that evidently preserve additions to the local diocesan liturgy. Unlike antiphoners or breviaries, they are not organized according to the liturgical year and they include plainchant for both the Mass and the Divine Office. Most of their contents, including Splendor stelle clare lucis, are absent from the complete set of service books compiled for the cathedral in the second half of the thirteenth century.8 When combined with the references to Donatus’s translation, this manuscript evidence suggests that his office was composed in Arezzo not long before its being copied into ARd Duomo H and ARd Pieve C around 1300. Splendor stelle clare lucis belongs to a rich corpus of hagiographic and liturgical texts devoted to St Donatus. He was the subject of three distinct passion accounts, denoted here as the Passio Sancti Donati I, II, and III.9 Datable to the late seventh or early eighth century, the first identifies Donatus as a young Christian educated in Rome, who fled the persecutions of Julian the Apostate (r. 355-363). Settling in Arezzo, he pursued the monastic life under the guidance of his mentor, Hilarianus, and was subsequently elected bishop and later martyred under Julian’s reign. The second passion, whose earliest sources date from the ninth century, enriches the first by adding material from the passio of the homonymous saint, Donatus of Evorea (in Greece). The third passion is the longest and most elaborate of the three and dates its protagonist’s martyrdom roughly forty years later than the first, i.e. during the Gothic invasion of Italy in 404. The Passio Sancti Donati III is the principal literary source for a set of mass formularies and a prose office for its saint’s dies natalis (7 August).10 The passion, formularies, and office likely originated in conjunction with the rebuilding of the cathedral complex, a decades-long project culminating in the translation of Donatus’s relics on 12 November 1032. This event is documented in a translation narrative, or translatio, written in the first half of the eleventh century.11 Splendor stelle clare lucis was thus the latest addition to rich hagiographic and liturgical dossier that already included three passiones, a translatio, a mass, and a prose office.12 The full significance of the contrafacta in Splendor stelle clare lucis emerges only by evaluating the broader relationship of the versified office to these hagiographic and liturgical precursors. As demonstrated below, the passiones, translatio, mass, and prose office would have been at the forefront of the minds of the Aretine clerics who sang Splendor stelle clare lucis at the turn of the fourteenth century. The versified office presents a dense web of verbal allusion and quotation encompassing not only multiple items from its saint’s dossier but also the Psalms. The diversity of its literary sources notwithstanding, Splendor stelle clare lucis evinces a consistent approach to textual and melodic borrowing. Unlike the roughly contemporary offices for such Franciscan saints as Anthony of Padua, Clare, and Louis of Anjou, which derive nearly all their music from the office of St Francis, the versified office for St Donatus employs literary and musical borrowing in a sparing, targeted, and mutually reinforcing way.13 Moreover, the intertextuality in Splendor stelle clare lucis serves a broader religious agenda: to enhance its saint’s profile as an evangelizer who reveals the truth and power of the Christian faith through his miracles. 7. ARd Pieve C, fols. 42r-64r and ARd Duomo H, fols., 35r-53r, of which the latter serves as the basis for the transcription of Splendor stelle clare lucis in Kim 2003. On ARd Pieve C see Maria Grazia Cardi Duprè dal Poggetto’s introduction to Passalacqua 1980, 12-13, note 20. While citing Cardi Duprè dal Poggetto’s analysis of ARd Pieve C, Licciardello 2005, 246, contradicts her dating of the earliest layer of the manuscript to circa 1300, dating it instead to the third quarter of the fourteenth century without corroborating evidence. So, too, do Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 10. On the dating of ARd Duomo H see Chiodo 2014, 209. 8. For descriptions of these service books see Passalacqua 1980, 33-84. 9. The Passio Sancti Donati I (BHL 2289) and III (BHL 2294) are edited in Lazzeri 1938, 117-121, and Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 364-378. The Passio Sancti Donati II (BHL 2293) is not edited in its entirety; however, its interpolations from the passion of St Donatus of Evorea (BHL 2304) appear in Mombritius 1910, I, 413-416. On the dating of the three passions see Licciardello 2005, 286-287, 314-315, and 323-325. 10. Transcriptions of the mass formularies and office appear in Kim 2000, 143-147, Sironi 1996, 326-333, and Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 235-361. On the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Passio Sancti Donati III, the mass formularies, and the office see Brand 2014, 56-57, and Licciardello 2005, 321-325. 58 – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO Splendor stelle clare lucis and its literary sources For Aretine clerics of the late Middle Ages, the hagiographic and liturgical texts written for Donatus in previous centuries remained eminently relevant to their understanding of the saint. All three of his passions continued to be copied into hagiographic lectionaries of the region as late as the thirteenth century.14 Indeed, the cathedral canons gave pride of place to the Passio Sancti Donati I by reciting it as the first six (of nine) lessons at Matins on his dies natalis.15 Meanwhile, they continued to chant the old mass formularies whose texts quoted the Passio Sancti Donati III, and which appeared alongside Splendor stelle clare 11. Translatio Sancti Donati (BHL 2295-2296), edited in Pasqui 1937, 11-14. On the dating of this see Licciardello 2005, 346. 12. A second prose office for St Donatus survives in a fourteenth-century antiphoner from Benevento, I-BV 848, fols. 130v-134r, on which see Kelly 2015 and Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 13-14. 13. On the Franciscan offices, see Wagner 1901, 311-313. 14. Licciardello 2005, 22-56. 15. The breviary compiled for the cathedral between 1255 and 1275, ARd Duomo P, fols. 107v-109r (ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 381-383), identifies the Passio Sancti Donati I as the source for the first six lessons but does not specify the divisions between lessons. It further indicates that the final three lessons be recited from an unspecified homily on the Gospel reading of the day, which it identifies as deriving from the Gospel of Luke. Passalacqua 1980, 37, dates ARd Duomo P to the third quarter of the thirteenth century. Its inclusion of the feast of St Clare (fol. 110v) provides a terminus post quem of 1255, the year of her canonization. 59 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRAND lucis in their choirbook, ARd Duomo H.16 How the canons used the eleventhcentury prose office, which had been copied into one of their service books as recently as the mid-thirteenth century, is less clear.17 Having adopted the new versified office, they may have reassigned its predecessor to the octave of St Donatus or discarded it entirely.18 Whatever their solution, the first generation of canons to learn Splendor stelle clare lucis surely remembered the prose office, which they had sung since their youth. Together with the early medieval passion and mass formularies, it would have served as an important point of reference as they sang the new office for their saint. Splendor stelle clare lucis undoubtedly struck the Aretine clergy as quite different from its eleventh-century predecessor and not simply because it set rhymed, accentual poetry rather than prose. The prose office quoted extensively and exclusively from the Passio Sancti Donati III, with which it was roughly contemporaneous.19 Furthermore, its antiphon and responsories formed parallel narratives that presented the events of Donatus’s life and death exactly as they unfolded in the passion.20 The chants of the versified office, by contrast, frequently refer to episodes as they are recounted in the Passio Sancti Donati III, but they do not present these episodes in narrative order. Only three of them – all responsories – quote the passion, and the first is a prime instance of the targeted borrowing that characterizes Splendor stelle clare lucis. The opening responsory at Matins, Nobili prosapia, calls attention to its borrowed material by placing it entirely in its first half verse, which quotes the description of Donatus as being “descended from noble stock” (nobili ortus prosapia) in the Passio Sancti Donati III.21 This is a biographical detail transmitted in the third but not in the first and second passions, as are subsequent references in the chant to the saint’s birth in the city of Nicodemia (in Asia Minor) and his parents’ expulsion of him from their home after learning of his interest in Christianity. In an office whose lack of narrative and comprehensive quotation distinguish it from its eleventh-century predecessor, the responsory Nobili prosapia is notable for its conspicuous reference to one particular version of its saint’s passion. Splendor stelle clare lucis further distinguishes itself from the earlier plainsong for St Donatus by drawing on an alternative version of his passion. Once again, the targeted quotation obtains additional prominence due to the key liturgical position of its chant. The Magnificat antiphon for First Vespers, Fontem aque tabidum, recounts an episode originally ascribed to Donatus of Evorea but later associated with Donatus of Arezzo through its inclusion first in the Passio Sancti Donati II and later in the Passio Sancti Donati III. According to these two narratives, the bishop killed a dragon terrorizing the local populace and purified a well befouled by that beast. The episode marked a significant addition to Donatus’s biography, placing him among the ranks of more famous dragon slayers such as Michael the Archangel, St George, and St Sylvester. It enhanced his profile not simply as a defender of his city but also as an evangelizing bishop whose triumph represented a victory over evil and a conquest of territory for his Christian flock.22 Fontem aque tabidum nonetheless eschews such theological concerns and instead realizes the dramatic potential of the scene: 16. ARd Duomo H, fols. 63r-65v. The gradual of the cathedral of Arezzo, ARd Duomo E, fols. 61r-v (1250-1275), likewise preserves the mass formularies, albeit incompletely: the folio containing the Introit, Gradual, and the Respond of the Alleluia are missing (Passalacqua 1980, 63-64). 17. ARd Duomo A (1250-1275), fols. 80v-90v. The incipits of the prose office likewise appear in the cathedral breviary, ARd Duomo P, fols. 107v-109r, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 381-383. 18. Alpigiano and Licciardello (2008, 13) assert, without supporting evidence, that Splendor stelle clare lucis was intended for the annual commemoration of Donatus’s translation (12 November) rather than his dies natalis (7 August). Although four of its responsories refer to events related to his translation (see below, pp. 63-64), most of its chants focus squarely on the saint’s life and death. Further arguing against the assignment of the office to his translatio, the introductory rubrics in ARd Pieve C, fol. 42r (In festo beati Donati episcopi et martiris) and ARd Duomo H, fol. 35r (In festivitate beati Donati episcopi et martyris) make no mention of that occasion. 19. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 123-134, provide a complete list of quotations. 20. Brand 2014, 227-229. 21. Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 364. The text incipit of Ignis ardor cruciat likewise quotes the words of a demon whom Donatus exorcizes from the daughter of the emperor: “Video signum crucis in te, ex quo ingens egreditur ignis, quinimio ardore comburit” (ibidem, 374). That of Crucis Christi clarum signum similarly quotes the account of the emperor’s erection of a cross in Constantinople following his conversion to Christianity: “Tunc imperatoris iussu crucis Christi signum in Constantinopolitana urbe usque in hodiernum diem erectum est” (ibidem, 377). 60 – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO He goes to purify the infected well, made horrible by death’s stain. Now the dragon ventures out, binds the donkey, and attacks the saint. [He makes] the sign of the cross and lashes his whip, from which [the dragon] falls dead.23 Positioned near the beginning of Splendor stelle clare lucis and at the climax of First Vespers, this Magnificat antiphon draws attention to an episode that would be conspicuously absent from the Passio Sancti Donati I recited in the early hours of the following morning at Matins. In so doing, it depicts him as a triumphant soldier of Christ in life as well as in death. Nevertheless, a closer reading of Fontem aque tabidum reveals a subtle use of quotation. In his Golden Legend (ca. 1260), Jacobus de Voragine observed that there survived at least two accounts of Donatus’s felling of the dragon, ones that ascribed his victory to different weapons.24 The Passio Sancti Donati III tells 22. On the theological and political significance of this miracle see Brand 2014, 58-59, Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 119-110, Licciardello 2005, 571-572, and Freni 2005, 87-91. 23. ARd Pieve C, fols. 44v-45r: “Fontem aque tabidum, labe mortis orridum, sanaturus vadit. Draco mox egreditur, et asellus nectitur, sanctum et invadit. Crucis tamen opere, et flagelli verbere, caesus morte cadit”. 24. Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea, ed. Grässe, 485: “Quem Donatus flagello quodam percutiens vel, secundum quod alibi legitur, in os ejus exspuens continuo interfecit oravitque ad dominum, et omne venenum a fonte fugavit”. 61 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRAND how he approached the beast “without a sword, without a javelin of any kind”, the weapons traditionally attributed to St Michael and St George.25 Donatus favoured a less conventional path to victory, namely by spitting in the dragon’s mouth and thus bringing about its immediate demise. The eleventh-century prose office combines text from this passion with a graphic depiction of the effect of the saint’s deadly spittle. According to its Magnificat antiphon, Sancti Donati sputum, “with its entrails torn into pieces, [the dragon] vomits forth ferocious venom”.26 This chant provided an obvious contrast to the above quoted Magnificat antiphon, Fontem aque tabidum, which aligns with the earlier account of the miracle in the second rather than the third passion. According to the Passio Sancti Donati II, Donatus arrives not on foot but riding a donkey, which is immediately enveloped in the dragon’s claws. He vanquishes the beast “with the lash of his whip” (verbere flagelli), a phrase that is certainly rare and perhaps unique among hagiographic or liturgical texts of the Middle Ages.27 Fontem aque tabidum mentions the donkey and attributes the saint’s victory to a flagelli verbere. With its targeted quotation, this antiphon marked a clear break with the prose office by favouring the second passion over the third. The illuminated initial ornamenting the opening antiphon of Splendor stelle clare lucis in ARd Duomo H features a more complex portrait of Donatus as a dragon slayer (Figure 1). It depicts him as a bishop, clothed in liturgical vestments (a cassock, chasuble, and mitre), but concomitantly recalls the conventional iconography of St Michael: Donatus adopts the archangel’s victorious pose, with an orb in his left hand, his right foot crushing the dragon’s neck, and his left foot its tail.28 The object in Donatus’s right hand is the crux of the image, because it lends itself to multiple interpretations. It resembles the spear with which Michael pierces the dragon’s mouth;29 however, it is better read as the whip cited in the Passio Sancti Donati II and the Magnificat antiphon Fontem aque tabidum, which appears on the subsequent folio of the manuscript. The slackness of its slender white line supports this identification, as does the fact that no surviving depiction of Donatus, literary or visual, ascribes to him a spear. Finally, pointed as it is into the dragon’s mouth, the object recalls the spit that Donatus launched to devastating effect according to the Passio Sancti Donati III. The illumination thus renders the weapon of the victorious saint as the vehicle for three competing visual and literary allusions. 25. Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 372: “Ad quam bestiam Donatus sine gladio, sine quolibet iaculo veniens”. 26. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 127: “Sancti Donati sputum draco ore cruento suscepit et, fractis mox visceribus, seva venena evoumit; guttur eius soffocatur sancte Crucis stigmate”. Italics denote text drawn from the Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 372. 27. Passio Sancti Donati II, ed. Mombritius 1910, I, 414. A keyword search on Acta Sanctorum Database, accessed 20 June 2017, <http://acta.chadwyck.com>, and Patrologia Latina Database, accessed 20 June 2017, <http://pld. chadwyck.com>, yielded no instances of flagelli verbere or verbere flagelli in hagiographic texts of the Middle Ages. Nor did a keyword search on LMLO Texts, accessed 28 June 2017, <http://hlub.dyndns.org/projekten/webplek/ CANTUS/HTML/CANTUS_index.htm>. That the complete phrase, verbere flagelli, appears in the Passio Sancti Donati II but not in the Legenda aurea (see note 24) suggests that the passion and not the Golden Legend was the source for the text of Fontem aque tabidum. 28. For similar depictions of St Michael from the second half of the thirteenth century see Kaftal 1986, col. 737. 29. Indeed, Chiodo 2014, 209, identifies the object in Donatus’s right hand as a spear. 62 – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO Figure 1. ARd Duomo H, fol. 35r Splendor stelle clare lucis draws not only on multiple versions of St Donatus’s passion but also on his translatio, upon which it elaborates with considerable freedom. Four responsories recount the rediscovery of the saint’s relics and their translation to the rebuilt cathedral complex in 1032.30 For instance, Quasi stelle lucide calls the unnamed martyrs buried in the immediate vicinity of his original sepulcher “gems glittering like bright stars, placed everywhere, adorning his 30. The chants in question are Clara turba testium, Quasi stelle lucide, Ante sancti tumulum, and Odor fragrat incensorum, which ARd Pieve C, fols. 56r-59r, groups together as the final four in the series of thirteen Matins responsories belonging to Splendor stelle clare lucis. In ARd Duomo H, 43v-48v, they appear in a different order, namely as the seventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and eighth responsories in the series. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 12, note 45, outline some of the textual affinities between these four responsories and the Translatio Sancti Donati, ed. Pasqui 1937, vol. 4, 11-14. 63 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRAND tomb”.31 This is a deft transformation of the literary image from the translatio, which describes Donatus’s own body as “a celestial treasure more precious than all gold and gems”.32 The psalm antiphons for Second Vespers in turn celebrate miracles performed by the saint at his new shrine in the cathedral, ones for which no additional record survives.33 The good shepherd in death as in life, Donatus cured three people — a sick priest, a noblewoman with a pain in her knee, and a wife with withered limbs — and raised another from the dead. Together, the four responsories and antiphons for Second Vespers thus extend his story beyond his martyrdom in late Antiquity into the Middle Ages, and in so doing exceed the written record provided by his passions and translatio. Finally, the web of literary quotation and allusion in Spendor stelle clare lucis extends beyond its saint’s hagiographic dossier in another, more surprising way. Each Matins antiphon incorporates text from the opening verse of the psalm with which it is paired, a literary technique identified in a handful of other late medieval offices but one that has gone largely unstudied.34 These chants adhere to a template established by the initial antiphon, Peccatorum cathedra: Peccatorum cathedra features no discernable reference to the distinctive elements of St Donatus’s biography and might well refer to any martyr. Splendor stelle clare lucis thus presents a particularly dense and complex web of literary references, one that extended well beyond its saint’s hagiographic dossier. Unlike the earlier prose office, it eschews narrative sequence and favours isolated quotations of and allusions to diverse sources associated with St Donatus: the Passio Sancti Donati II and III, the Translatio Sancti Donati, and the prose office. As the illuminated initial in ARd Duomo H pointed beyond the Aretine bishop via its allusion to St Michael, so the Matins antiphons went beyond the saint’s hagiography to incorporate the language of the Psalms. The initial and Matins antiphons find a musical parallel in the two contrafacta in the versified office: Luce carens corporali and Divinum mysterium. These two responsories derive their melodies from the office for Trinity Sunday attributed to Stephen of Liège (†920) and that of Corpus Christi of the late thirteenth century.35 Like Splendor stelle clare lucis, these two offices were recent additions to the Aretine liturgy and were copied alongside the versified office into ARd Pieve C and ARd Duomo H.36 Equally, if not more important, both offices evince thematic connections with Luce carens corporali and Divinum mysterium. Much like the Magnificat antiphon Fontem aque tabidum, these two chants centre on miracles that illustrate Donatus’s power as an evangelizer: the curing of the widow, Syranna, and the mending of the chalice. In each case, their borrowed melodies enrich the portrait of the saint as a virtuous thaumaturge. Antiphon Psalm 1:1 Peccatorum cathedra, sanctus hic non sedit, tollitur ad ethera, mundo dum recedit. Beatus vir qui non abiit in consilio impiorum et in via peccatorum non stetit et in cathedra pestilentiae non sedit. (This saint did not sit in the chair of the ungodly. He is raised to heaven while he retreats from the world.) (Blessed is the man who hath not walked in the counsel of the ungodly nor stood in the way of sinners nor sat in the chair of pestilence.) The antiphon borrows disparate words from the psalm, reorganizing them but leaving their inflection unchanged. Like the three responsories that quote the Passio Sancti Donati III, the quoted material appears in the text incipit and is limited to the first of the antiphon’s paired verses, thereby highlighting the literary source of the chant. The reliance on the psalm accentuates the lyrical tone of the antiphon, distancing it from the objective narration characteristic of the other chants in the versified office. Like many of the Matins antiphons, 31. ARd Duomo H, fols. 57r-v: “Quasi stelle lucide, gemme quoque fulgide, martyres sacrati, ad honoris cumulum, ornant sancti tumulum, unidque locati. V. Tenet caput splendidum, super pectus nitidum, brachia beati.” ARd Pieve C, fol. 57v, presents a better reading, “tenent,” which matches the plural subject, “brachia,” i.e. “the arms of the blessed man hold his splendid head”. 32. Translatio Sancti Donati, ed. Pasqui 1937, 13: “sacrum tumulum aperientes, intus celestem thesaurum omni auro et gemmis pretiosorem reperiunt”. 33. ARd Duomo H, fols. 51r-52r. The psalm antiphons for Second Vespers located these miracles at Donatus’s “tomb”. That these chants do not appear in ARd Pieve C suggests that the tomb in question was the cathedral rather than the pieve. 34. 64 Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 1, 165-168, and Marshall 2006, 337-339. – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO The curing of Syranna The curing of Syranna marks a watershed in the story of St Donatus’s spiritual development. Included in all three passions, the episode takes place soon after his arrival in Arezzo, where he lives a life of contemplation and prayer under the guidance of a monk named Hilarianus.37 When Syranna visits their home, seeking a cure for her blindness, Donatus initially believes that her affliction is merely physical, only to be corrected by his mentor, who rightly perceives that it is also spiritual. “Consider the blindness of her soul”, says Hilarianus, “for she has worshiped blind and senseless idols since youth”.38 Seeing his error, 35. A transcription of the Trinity office appears in Auda 1923, 113-121, with O summe Trinitati on 117-118. A transcription of the office of Corpus Christi appears in Mathiesen 1983, 32-44 with Accepit Ihesus calicem on p. 40. 36. ARd Pieve C, fols. 19r-30r (Trinity) and fols. 66v-79v (Corpus Christi); ARd Duomo H, fols. 1r-14v (Trinity), fols. 15r-24v (Corpus Christi). The breviary of the cathedral, ARd Duomo P, provides additional evidence that these two offices were incorporated into the diocesan liturgy after its compilation ca. 1255-1275. The two offices number among the later additions to the manuscript: Passalacqua 1980, 37-38. 37. Passio Sancti Donati I and II, ed. Lazzeri 1938, 117-118 and Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 367-369. 38. Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 369: “Et anime cecitatem perbende?: nam a primevis temporibus idola ceca adorat et insensibilia”. 65 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Donatus leads Syranna on a journey of spiritual discovery, persuading her to destroy her idols, to donate her property to the poor, to confess her sins, and finally to accept Christ as her saviour. Only at the end of this process, once the local bishop, Satyrus, has administered the sacrament of baptism, is her physical sight restored. Far from being a simple miracle story, the curing of Syranna shows Donatus learning how to be an evangelizer and teacher.39 The second responsory of the versified office of St Donatus, Luce carens corporali, refines several themes articulated in the various passions: Once lacking corporal sight (luce) and mental illumination (lumine), attentive to idols, now Syranna believed. Next she destroys the idols upon [his] instructions. V. A believer in Christ the king, she is baptized in the holy font and is illuminated by a bright light (luce).40 With its opening verses ending in the rhyming words, corporali and mentali, the chant underscores the metaphor of physical sight as spiritual discernment articulated by Hilarianus. Moreover, it adopts the luminous rhetoric that characterizes the Passio Sancti Donati III, which consistently refers to Syranna’s blindness with the epithet, “deprived of light” (orbata lumine), and uses lumen in connection with her healing no fewer than seven times.41 Such language also resonates with other chants in the versified office, which make frequent reference to the light-filled, starry heavens that illuminate Donatus and the clergy and laity celebrating his feast.42 Finally, the responsory elides the most dramatic milestones of Syranna’s path to conversion, namely her destruction of her idols and her baptism, which are allocated to the respond and verse respectively. In both style and structure, Luce carens corporali thus summarizes the key elements of the episode. The melody of the responsory nonetheless suggests a deeper engagement with the theological meaning of Syranna’s curing. It derives from O summe Trinitati, the seventh responsory from the Trinity office.43 The older chant combines a statement of Trinitarian orthodoxy in its respond with a petition for grace in its verse: 39. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 114-115. 40. ARd Duomo H, fols. 38v-39r: “Luce carens corporali, sed et lumine mentali, ydolis intendens, dum Syranna credidit. Ydola mox perdidit, monitis attendens. V. Sacro fonte baptizatur, luce clara perlustratur, Christo regi credens”. 41. By contrast, the Passio Sancti Donati I, ed. Lazzeri 1938, 117-118, uses “caeca” to denote Syranna’s blindness and uses the word “lumen” only once in connection with her curing. 42. The most prominent example is the initial antiphon of the office, Splendor stelle clare lucis: “The splendor of the star, serenity of the bright light, shines when the solemnity of our lord Donatus is set into motion” (Splendor stelle clare lucis, rutilat serenitas, cum Donati nostri ducis, agitur solempnitas, ARd Duomo H, fol. 35r). See Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, note 47, for other examples. 43. 66 Auda 1923, 117-118. BRAND – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO O highest Trinity, O simple God, one divinity, equal glory, coeternal majesty – Father, Son, and Holy Spirit – which subjugates the entire world to its laws. Give us grace, O blessed deity of the Father, Son, and, in equal degree, the Holy Spirit.44 A careful reading of Donatus’s passions elucidates the relevance of this tenthcentury chant for Luce carens corporali. Their accounts of Syranna’s lengthy road to conversion restrict all their references to the Almighty to the Father and the Son until the moment of her baptism, when they name the entire Trinity.45 This invocation acquires dramatic significance as it marks the culmination of Syranna’s spiritual journey. By taking its melody from Stephen’s office, Luce carens corporali emphasizes the relevance of the doctrine of the Trinity to Syranna’s curing, a point conspicuously missing from Donatus’s eleventhcentury prose office.46 The contrafactum thus underscores the orthodox faith into which St Donatus has led his first pupil. The adaptation of old music to new text supports this theological reading. Summe Trinitati sets seventy-four syllables of prose, with forty-seven in the respond and twenty-seven in the verse (Example 1). Luce carens corporali, by contrast, sets only fifty-six syllables of poetry in which the respond comprises two rhyming couplets with eight- and seven-syllable lines followed by a single line of five syllables. With its shorter text, the new responsory dispenses with the fifth phrase of the old one, a descent from the reciting tone (d) to the subtonic (f). This omission aligns the cadential scheme of the old melody with the verse structure of the new respond: all four lines of the rhyming couplets cadence on the reciting tone, while the single line ends on the final. More important from a theological perspective, it means that the words “now Syranna believed” (dum Syranna credit) in Luce carens corporali are sung to the same music as “Father, Son, and Holy Spirit” (Patri prolique sancto flamine) in Summe Trinitati. Hence the contrafactum follows Donatus’s passions in implying that only with the invocation of the Trinity at Syranna’s baptism was her conversion complete. 44. ARd Duomo H, fols. 7r-v: “Summe Trinitati simplici Deo una divinitas coeterna maiestas Patri prolique sanctoque flamini. Qui totum subdit suis orbem legibus. V. Prestet nobis gratiam deitas beata patris et nati pariterque spiritus almi”. 45. Passio Sancti Donati I and II, ed. Lazzeri 1938, 118: “Et baptizavit eam in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti in remissionem peccatorum”. Cf. Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 369, for a nearly identical formulation. 46. The prose office features two chants that refer to Syranna’s curing, the antiphon Illuminata Syranna and the responsory Syranna utroque orbata lumine, neither of which invokes the Trinity: Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 125 and 130-131. In contrast, the fourth antiphon for First Vespers of Donatus’s Beneventan office does so, albeit in a way that is somewhat misleading, as it implies that the saint had obtained the office of bishop before he healed Syranna: “Sanctus Donatus pontifex Aretie sancte trinitatis nomine lumen restituit Syranne” (Kelly 2015, 166). 67 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRAND – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO Example 1. Luce carens corporali and Summe Trinitati. ARd Duomo H, fols. 38v-39r and 7r-v The miracle of the chalice More than any other miracle, the mending of the chalice was regarded as the definitive sign of Donatus’s sanctity. Recounted in all three passions, it unfolded during his first episcopal mass in Arezzo, a solemn event that attracted pagans as well as Christians.47 When the assisting deacon, Antimus, offered the blood of Christ to the congregation, the pagans were so curious that they surged forward, accidentally knocking from his hand the chalice, which shattered on the church pavement. As the pagans hurled insults, Donatus comforted the distraught deacon and, when the fragments of the chalice were collected, he offered a prayer to Christ: O Lord Jesus, you who elevates the broken and repairs the shattered, make joyful your congregation gathered in your holy name, sweep away its grief with your great mercy, so that all nations of the earth know that you alone are God of heaven and earth, lord of all your creation.48 47. Passio Sancti Donati I and II, ed. Lazzeri 1938, 119-120, and Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 371-372. 48. Passio Sancti Donati III, ed. Alpigiano and Licciardello 2008, 372: “Domine Iesu, qui confracta erigis et elisa reparas, da letitiam plebi tue congregate in nomine sancto tuo, aufer trisitiam eius propter misericordiam tuam magnam, ut cognoscant omnes in circuitu nationes quia tu solus es Deus celi et terre, dominator omnis creature tue”, which echoes the version of Donatus’s prayer in the Passio Sancti Donati I and II, ed. Lazzeri 1938, 120. 68 69 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRAND The bishop then revealed to the assembly the chalice made whole, which so amazed the pagans that seventy-nine of them converted to Christianity. The miracle likewise impressed Gregory the Great, who, in one of the earliest recorded references to Donatus, identified him not as a martyr but as he “who restored the shattered chalice to its original condition”.49 Like the curing of Syranna, this miracle enriched the portrait of Donatus as an evangelizer; however, it goes further in depicting him as a prayerful intercessor and in underscoring his sacramental authority as a bishop. The literary image of St Donatus in prayer in the passions finds poignant expression in the Second Nocturn of the Night Office in Splendor stelle clare lucis. As shown above, the texts of the Matins antiphons of the versified office quote from the first verse of their psalms, which accentuates their lyrical tone but diminishes their overt connection to the saint’s biography. In this respect, however, the fourth, fifth, and sixth antiphons are unusual in that they explicitly refer to the miracle of the chalice, focusing on Donatus’s prayer. The fourth antiphon, Invocantem exaudivit, sets a narrative in the third person, noting that Christ, “heard and magnified the saint calling upon him”, thus echoing Ps 4:2: “when I called upon him” (cum invocarem exaudivit me).50 The fifth, Verba sancti percipe, adopts the voice of the Christians who hear Donatus’s prayer at mass, “give ear, O Christ, to the words of the holy supplicant”, thereby retaining the grammatical mood of Ps 5:2, “give ear, O Lord, to my words”.51 The sixth, Nomen tuum Domine puts the psalmist’s words, “O Lord, our Lord, how admirable is thy name in the whole earth” (Ps 8:2) into Donatus’s mouth: mysterium, which likewise centres on the miracle of the chalice and was sung later in the Night Office.53 Its text is elliptical because of its lack of pronouns: Thy name, O Lord, is admirable to all. News of this remarkable event regarding the chalice is born to the ends of the earth.52 In so doing, the antiphon parallels Donatus’s prayer (quoted above) in the Passio Sancti Donati III in two ways: both the chant and prayer begin the appeal “O Lord” (“Domine”), and both end with an expression of hope that news of the miracle will travel far and wide. Collectively, then, the three antiphons harnessed the language of the Psalms to recount, celebrate, and reenact the saint’s own petition to Christ. Assigned to the Second Nocturn of Matins, these antiphons anticipated the second contrafactum in Splendor stelle clare lucis, the responsory Divinum – A VERSIFIED OFFICE FOR ST DONATUS OF AREZZO The consecrated man prepares the divine mystery. The saint divides the sharing of life. The anxious man sees the destruction of the chalice. V. Assuming the tools of prayer, he binds together the fragments of the chalice and is honored by all.54 The references to the chalice are nonetheless sufficient to identify the proper narrative context. The deacon, Antimus, is the anxious man distressed by his own clumsiness; Donatus is the consecrated man, the saint, the one who repairs the sacred vessel through prayer; the sharing of life is the Eucharist to be divided among the congregation. Divinum mysterium takes its melody, without any significant modification, from the responsory of the Office of Corpus Christi, Accepit Ihesus calicem, whose text combines the Words of Consecration (1 Corinthians 11:25) in its respond with Lamentations 3:20 in its verse: Jesus accepted the chalice after he had supped, saying, ‘This is the chalice, the new testament in my blood. Do this for a commemoration of me.’ V. I will be mindful and remember, and my soul shall languish within me.55 The thematic relationship between Divinum mysterium and its melodic source is immediately apparent, which was not the case with Luce carens corporali. The chalice miraculously made whole is the same chalice that bears the miracle of Christ’s blood. In turn, Donatus is the faithful bishop who follows His commission of the bread and wine through his celebration of Mass. Divinum mysterium finds a particularly suggestive point of comparison in the mass formularies for St Donatus, composed in the eleventh century but copied, as noted above, into ARd Duomo H alongside Splendor stelle clare lucis.56 The offertory, Confractum vitreum, lists what are (by implication) the most important signs of his sanctity: 1) his mending of the chalice, 2) his felling of the dragon, 3) his purification of the well, and 4) his martyrdom. It too is a contrafactum, taking its melody from Stetit angelus, an offertory for the feast 53. In ARd Pieve C, fols. 52v-53r, Divinum mysterium is the sixth responsory of Matins. In ARd Duomo H, fols. 45r-v, it is the ninth. 54. ARd Duomo H, fols. 45r-v: “Divinum mysterium, conficit sacratus, vitae participium, dividit beatus, calicis excidium, cernit anxiatus. V. Precis sumens instrumenta, iungit calicis fragmenta, cunctis honoratus”. 51. ARd Duomo H, fol. 40r: “Verba sancti percipe, Christe supplicantis, integrari precipe, fractum vas orantis”. 55. “Accepit Ihesus calicem postquam cenavit dicens: Hic calix novum testamentum est in meo sanguine. Hoc facite in meam conmemorationem. V. Memoria memor ero et tabscet in me anima mea”. The other sources for the Words of Consecration are Matthew 26:27-28, Mark 14:23-24, and Luke 22:20. Accepit Ihesus calicem was itself a contrafact of Virtute multa, the third responsory from the office of Bernard of Clairvaux, who was canonized in 1174: Mathiesen 1983, 24. The Aretines were likely unaware of the relationship of the two responsories, given that Bernard’s office seems not to have circulated widely in Italy. It appears in no Italian sources inventoried in Cantus Index, accessed June 10, 2017, <http://cantusindex.org>. Nor is Bernard’s office catalogued in Baroffio 2000. 52. ARd Duomo H, fol. 40r-v: “Nomen tuum Domine, cunctis est mirabile, fertur terre cardine, calicis notabile”. 56. 49. Gregory, Dialogues, ed. de Vogüé, trans. Antin, vol. 2, bk. 1, no. 7, 68-69: “virtutem Donati, qui fractum calicem pristinae incolumitati restituit”. 50. ARd Duomo H, fol. 39v: “Invocantem exaudivit, factum et mirificat, furens populus adivit, Christo dum sacrificat.” ARd Pieve C, fol. 51r, provides the better reading of “sanctum” rather than “factum”. 70 The remainder of this paragraph draws from Brand 2014, 184-188. 71 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES of St Michael, whose iconography, as previously noted, was a model for the portrayal of Donatus slaying the dragon in the illuminated initial that adorned the versified office in ARd Duomo H (Figure 1). The text of Stetit angelus derives from Apocalypse 8:3-4, which describes the appearance of an angel before an altar, holding a censer, after the opening of the seventh seal. Given that medieval exegetes interpreted the angel in question not as Michael but as Christ, the association of Confractum vitreum with Stetit angelus suggests a double message: Donatus resembled Christ as he miraculously mended the chalice before the altar at Mass and the Archangel as he defeated the dragon. Like Divinum mysterium, then, Confractum vitreum enriches the portrait of Donatus by positioning the text of its source chant in dialogue with the narrative in his passions. That both chants are contrafacta centering on the same miracle even suggests the possibility that the eleventh-century offertory served as the point of inspiration for the thirteenth-century responsory. Among the vast number of versified offices of the late Middle Ages, Splendor stelle clare lucis presents a particularly rich case of literary and musical borrowing. Far from drawing from a single version of its saint’s passion, it presents a complex array of quotations from and allusions to an entire corpus of hagiographic and liturgical texts devoted to St Donatus. Furthermore, it goes beyond this extensive dossier by including the Psalms and an allusion to St Michael’s iconography. From this perspective, the two contrafacta are hardly isolated instances of melodic borrowing but rather extensions of an intertextual network that provides a remarkably coherent portrait of its saint as an evangelizer and thaumaturge. For the Aretine clerics who knew and could recognize the hagiographic, liturgical, and visual cues in Splendor stelle clare lucis, singing this versified office undoubtedly provided a rare mixture of intellectual delight and spiritual edification. Harald Buchinger University of Regensburg On the hermeneutics and function of saints’ offices: observations and questions Although hagiographical research can look back on a century-old tradition in Catholic academia,1 and although the recent efflorescence of the discourse on sanctity and sacrality in cultural historiography has not left theology unaffected,2 one cannot deny that within liturgical studies there is an embarrassing research deficit in the field of the medieval Sanctorale, in terms of both of evidence adduced and hermeneutical reflection upon it. When the academic discipline of liturgical studies as such, formerly pursued only in exceptional cases, was generally established around the Second Vatican Council at Catholic theological faculties3 (study of the liturgy continues to be an individual choice in most other university contexts, with a few notable exceptions), research capacity was quantitatively, but also qualitatively, absorbed by the needs of liturgical reform, both to the benefit and to the detriment of historical studies, which by concentrating on early sources and central questions hoped to provide a foundation for the improvement of contemporary practice. What remains the most recent and most comprehensive reference work on saints’ feasts, even a quarter of a century after its appearance, is still representative of this approach.4 Historically and theologically secondary developments have rarely been considered by the last two generations of liturgists, and, if at all, mostly in a theologically biased and pejorative way, 1. The Bollandistes have led the way since the sixteenth century with their epochal publications: the Acta Sanctorum, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca and Latina, Subsidia Hagiographica, and Analecta Bollandiana. An excellent introduction to the field is given by Dubois and Lemaître 1993, whose chapter on the Office (pp. 89-98), however, does not consider historiae. 2. Cf., for example, the contributions of liturgists to Gemeinhardt and Heyden 2012. 3. Kohlschein and Wünsche 1996. 4. Auf der Maur 1994, with exhaustive bibliography of earlier literature. Notwithstanding its comparative approach, the volume demonstrates the quantitative and qualitative inflation of the Sanctorale through the ages, and it argues that the post-Vatican II reform of the Roman calendar missed the Council’s objectives, especially Sacrosanctum Concilium 111. The most recent Italian/English handbook edited by Chupungco 2000 is disappointing. It dedicates only a short article to ‘The Cult of Saints in the East and the West’ (Rouillard 2000), treating “the West, from the Sixth Century to Vatican II” in a total of two pages (306-308). Perham 1980, which likewise does not mention historiae, betrays the fact that the concerns and approaches of research guided by modern reform were not limited to Catholic liturgical studies. 72 73 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER although latterly a more appreciative approach may be observed.5 Only recently have professional associations of liturgical scholars turned their attention to the cult of saints;6 but they have not got as far as considering the rich tradition of medieval historiae.7 The present contribution cannot, of course, compensate for generations of neglect. Perhaps all it can do is confirm the current incapacity of liturgical studies to keep up with the flourishing musicological research8 and outline desirable perspectives of future investigations. The following remarks are divided into four sections. Apart from the basic observation of the eminently local character of historiae (section 1), two issues of great importance are raised in the papers by Henry Parkes and Benjamin Brand to which this essay has been invited to respond: the general question of how the ritual experience of bygone times is to be reconstructed (2), and the intertextual relation especially between the proper texts and the psalms (3). A concluding section integrates both aspects into a reflection on the performative character of the office in the full – and, in fact, double – sense of the word (4). their urban context, and therefore from their immediate relevance to local congregations.9 Over time, the liturgical calendar was gradually inflated with commemorations; in turn, the significance of the individual celebrations became deflated. What remained was often a simple date in the calendar for those who performed the office; a saints’ ‘feast’ eventually became a formulary at Mass and in at least some parts of the canonical hours. In consequence, hierarchies of liturgical feasts had to be established. Furthermore, a distinction had to be made between relatively rare festa fori on the one hand, i.e. actual feasts, the celebration of which involved a break from work and an exceptional diet, if not popular attendance, and on the other hand mere festa chori, which outside the choir did not involve particular festivity and had little impact on public life (although the structuring of seasons and even civic and professional life by saints’ days did also impinge on those not partaking in worship or paying attention to its texts). 1. The local character of the saints’ cults and the importance of historiae within an inflated Sanctorale From feast to formulary: dominant developments of the Sanctorale. Although already in Late Antiquity the liturgical Sanctorale bears witness to the exchange of saints’ feasts between various churches – also independently of the material transfer of relics – the cult of saints was in its origins an eminently local phenomenon, celebrating a given saint typically on the anniversary of his or her death and ideally at his or her tomb. At this early stage the feasts of city patrons or other eminent figures, often local martyrs or the founders of the Christian community, were extraordinary events of paramount importance for the identity of the respective communities. Nevertheless, with the export of Roman liturgical books at the latest, the bulk of sanctoral celebrations became detached from their original places in the stational liturgy, from 5. Wainwright and Tucker 2006 is characterized by ecumenical and historical breadth; the perspective of Bärsch 2015 (extremely succinct) is shaped by a significant new appreciation of formerly neglected periods; this has been amplified by the collective efforts of Bärsch and Kranemann 2018. Nevertheless, none of these even mentions the historiae. 6. Triacca and Pistoia 1987; Barnard - Post - Rose 2005 (conference volume of Societas Liturgica 2003). The conference volume Benvenuti and Garzaniti 2005, containing significant liturgical contributions, is also important. Baroffio 2005 mentions the genre of the historia in passing (p. 32). 7. Bartlett, writing as a historian, mentions the importance of proper offices for sanctoral celebrations without going into detail on the historiae (Bartlett 2013, 115-117). 8. 74 It is significant that the few liturgists contributing to the rich contents of Buckley 2017 do not treat historiae. – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES Historiae as outstanding counter-evidence for the ongoing importance of special saints. The sheer existence of historiae is an expression of the lasting importance of special saints throughout the Middle Ages. In contrast to the general proliferation of the Roman calendar after the Carolingian reform, the gradual inflation of the Sanctorale, and in turn the deflation of the relevance of individual ‘feasts’, the actual veneration of local figures10 remained a vital and ritually productive element with a conspicuous impact on the identity of specific communities. At the same time, the exchange of significant celebrations continued to be instrumental in enhancing relations within a network of local churches. Not only relics but offices too could travel. Historiae attest both to the veneration of local saints and to its migration.11 The importance of special saints in popular devotion and common life cannot be overestimated. Nevertheless, the relevance of historiae is likely to have been limited to the segregated elite of clerics and monastics who had the economic liberty and professional training which allowed them to indulge in the spiritual pleasures of active and conscious participation in liturgical life – and among them to those capable and willing to appreciate the content of what they sang or heard (which is not self-evident in the context of a spirituality that could also count psalms and prayers as currency in the business of securing common 9. On the early medieval reception of the Roman stational liturgy in Frankish monasteries see Häußling 1973. Häußling plausibly suggests (though does not prove conclusively) that, along with the increased intercessory function, the veneration of saints at the ever more numerous altars caused the implementation of daily private masses in the early Middle Ages. The classic discussion on the development of the Roman calendar itself is Jounel 1977. 10. Cf., for example, Thacker and Sharpe 2002. 11. The adoption of offices in different places is a matter of fact. It is nevertheless remarkable that strikingly few manuscripts survive as physical media for their transfer; cf. the paper by Susan Rankin in this volume. 75 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER or individual welfare through worship,12 leading to a regular duplication and triplication of offices in high and late medieval practice).13 The suggestion that historiae had only a limited impact on the wider public is of course open to revision,14 and the question remains as to who in fact participated in and took profit from these elaborate observances. What does the transmission history in liturgical books tell us about the actual impact of particular historiae, and are there other sources that can illustrate their reception and effect? In any case, the quest for the ritual experience articulated by Henry Parkes in this volume aims at the core of liturgical historiography. ritual experience17 intended and afforded by the shape of the liturgy. For the historian of liturgy and music, the quest for the ritual experience behind the written source is not the speculative object of inappropriate spiritualistic or philosophico-theological musings, but the search for methodological ways of reconstructing, describing, and analysing the principles, mechanisms, and effects that shaped the historical participants’ perception of the liturgical celebrations. 2. The quest for ritual experience and the quasi-canonical function of liturgical offices Factual perception and the intended experience of the competent subjects. Modern historiography, not least that encouraged by the Annales school, has taught us to look for the factual experience beyond the norm, for the common instead of the elite, for the materiality behind the concepts. Certainly the search for hints of the actual reception and concrete understanding of the contents of liturgical books – the character and purpose of which has increasingly become the subject of debate15 – remains a crucial task for both liturgical and musicological studies. The quest for the actual contemporary experience of medieval liturgy is all the more necessary because many participants in or observers of the ritual did not have the competence required for its full and conscious understanding, but were excluded by linguistic, architectural, and educational barriers. The other remaining task of liturgical history, however, is to reconstruct what I call the intended experience of the ‘competent subjects’ of the celebration. Such competent subjects as are presupposed by the liturgical order are participants who are capable and willing not only to perform the office with attention to its contents (according to the classical admonition of the Rule attributed to St Benedict, ch. 19, De disciplina psallendi, that at the canonical hours “the mind should be in concord with the voice”16), but also to recognise the allusions and resonances, the musical codes and intertextual references that constitute the 12. Cf. Angenendt et al. 1995, albeit without consideration of the office; cf. also Bradshaw 1995. 13. Cf. Symons 1932-1933; Knowles 1933; Buchinger 2021. 14. The limited impact of offices sung in choir may be the reason for the omission of saints’ offices in the otherwise extremely rich account of Angenendt 2005 and even in his standard work Heilige und Reliquien (2007). 15. Cf. the conferences in Regensburg in 2016 on ‘The Typology of Liturgical Books in the Medieval West’ (forthcoming in Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Studien), and at Yale in 2017 on ‘Medieval Rites: Reading the Writing’. 16. […] semper memores simus, quod ait propheta: […] psallite sapienter […] et sic stemus ad psallendum, ut mens nostra concordet voci nostrae, ed. Steidle 1980, 106. On the background cf. Cramer 1980. 76 – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES What constitutes the intended experience, and which competences are required? First of all, attention has to be paid to immanent cues of consistency and coherence as well as of semantic, musical, or ritual progress within a given office. If, for example, the teleology of a festal vigil is intensified by an ascending order of ranks of those performing antiphons and other pieces,18 this is all the more significant because a descending sequence is the rule sanctioned since the Regula Benedicti (ch. 63, 4), and its reversal reinforces the effect19 – especially if musically more elaborate genres like the prolix responsories, which anyway require trained performers, are concerned. The codes embedded in a specific celebration beyond its text and music – ranks and roles, vestments and attire, actions and other non-verbal statements – are certainly under-investigated aspects of the medieval liturgy of the hours. Only at first sight does this liturgy appear to consist of verbal elements only. At the same time, textual and musical references that transcend the individual office are particularly important and constitutive for the intended understanding of the liturgy in the Roman and Romano-Frankish tradition. One of the most characteristic features of the Roman rite is the recurrence of certain biblical texts in different liturgical situations. Resonances of texts and music in particular contexts provide overtones for the perception of the same text on other occasions; they add to the replenishment of the sense of this text and to the fullness of the intended ritual experience.20 Possibly the most important competence required for understanding the Roman and Romano-Frankish liturgy is therefore the ability to recognize such cross-references, which consist not only in the repeated use of specific texts, but also in acoustic codes such as formulae, characteristic centos, and other recurring features.21 17. Regardless of its concrete methodological conceptualization, ritual experience is a key topic of liturgical studies: Odenthal 2008 and 2018. 18. Cf. Parkes in this volume, 33-55. 19. Regula Benedicti 63, 4 (ed. Steidle 1980, 170). According to the Regula Benedicti 11, 9 (ed. Steidle, 94) the abbot proclaims the gospel – and thus the last lection – at Sunday (and later, by analogy, festal) vigils. However, this alone would not necessarily constitute the culmination of a sequence, since it is ultimately motivated by the mimetic role of the bishop in the Sunday vigil of late antique Jerusalem, which was emulated in East and West and provided a pattern also for other feasts: Mateos 1961 and 1964; cf. also Jeffery 2000. 20. Cf. Buchinger 2012. 21. Cf. Kohlhaas 2002. 77 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER Such resonances can of course only be perceived on the basis of intimate familiarity with the whole liturgical cycle. The comprehensive corpus of annual celebrations with the texts and music for both Mass and Office are the horizon within which individual texts and occasions are meant to be understood. Whoever participated in the medieval Office typically did so regularly, and his or her experience was not only shaped by what was read, said, sung, and done in a particular service, but by the overtones resulting from resonances in other contexts. In addition to the liturgical pieces, acquaintance with the biblical text as such is an indispensable prerequisite for understanding the proper texts of the Office. Such acquaintance was achieved by the repeated continuous reading of the Bible during the Office, and in monastic institutions at table as well (although a tension between the intended ideal of the traditional liturgical order and the contingent historical reality certainly existed in many, if not most concrete situations).22 Familiarity with the biblical text as such in its scriptural context is indispensable for the intended ritual experience. Complementary to the mutual enrichment of meaning by repeated use of certain texts in various contexts, allusion and elision can be observed as strategies effective in the chants of the Roman rite. Already in the very first pieces of the annual cycle in medieval office antiphoners, for example, there occurs a significant shift of meaning which can be perceived only if one is familiar with the biblical context. In the Magnificat Antiphon of the First Vespers of the First Sunday of Advent, the sense of the biblical quotation is altered; in fact, its point is deliberately converted into its direct opposite. The “coming of the name of God” in the biblical context of Isaiah 30:27 Ecce nomen domini venit de longinquo (CAO 2527)23 announces anger and destruction, in contrast to the entirely positive perspective of the “filling of the whole world” (cf. Wisdom 1:7: replet orbem terrarum) with the “glory of the Lord” (Luke 2:9: claritas eius, sc. Domini) articulated in the antiphon. Moreover, the biblical allusions in the antiphon establish particular links to the liturgies not only of Christmas (Luke 2) as the more immediate goal of Advent, but also of Pentecost (Introit Spiritus Domini replevit orbem terrarum) as the completion of the whole temporal cycle. The recognition on the one hand of these resonances and on the other hand of what is not said in the liturgical piece is constitutive for the competent celebration of the First Vespers of Advent. The Second Antiphon for Lauds of the same First Sunday of Advent likewise plays with allusions precisely to what is not quoted in the office; for the liturgical text of the antiphon Iucundare filia sion (CAO 3509) does not comprise the part of Zechariah 9:9 that is quoted in the Gospel of the day, Matthew 21:5: dicite filiae Sion ecce rex tuus venit […]. Only someone who has both biblical contexts – the prophecy and the Gospel – in mind, and who is able to make the connection with what is omitted in the section sung in the antiphon, can recognize the link and can therefore be said to be a competent subject of the intended liturgical experience. It is clear that such references to precisely what is not said in the liturgical text demonstrate on the one hand the limit of an overly positivist approach to the interpretation of particular texts and isolated offices, and on the other hand the necessity of formidable prerequisites for making – or reconstructing – the ritual experience intended by the liturgy of the Roman and RomanoFrankish tradition. Liturgical studies have established a systematic methodology to trace what may be supposed to have been the living liturgical experience of the historical subjects who commanded the necessary competence for the experience intended in the celebrations codified in the medieval office books.24 22. The actual extent of biblical serial readings is questioned in Parkes 2015. 23. The same biblical context is the basis for Populus Sion, the Introit of the Second Sunday of Advent, which says ad salvandas instead of the biblical ad perdendas gentes (Isaiah 30:28). Examples could be multiplied, especially in the proper texts of Advent; cf. Eibelsgruber 2014. 78 – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES An expanded concept of canonicity. Familiarity with the canonical text can therefore be demonstrated to be a core competence of the subjects intended by the liturgical order. It is well known that one of the characteristics of the Roman rite is its Biblicism. Chant texts are almost exclusively derived from the Bible; the Roman tradition has a particularly strong sense of canonicity in the strict meaning of the word. At the same time another, augmented, concept of canonicity can be observed in the liturgy. Such a wider notion of canonicity beyond the biblical canon arises in and from ritual use: canonical traditions create and demarcate identity (and do so differently according to group, place, and time); they become canonized by adoption through periodic repetition, and can therefore be not only quoted, but also alluded to (a capacity which is in a sense the shibboleth of canonicity). The veneration of saints is the privileged place where since olden times the boundaries of the canon became porous, and where particular extracanonical texts were, through their liturgical function, raised to the dignity otherwise reserved for the Bible.25 It is thus no coincidence that at non-biblical saints’ celebrations non-biblical texts take the position of biblical quotations and allusions in antiphons and responsories of the office. The question therefore arises as to how historiae fit 24. Cf. Buchinger 2000 (with reference to the studies, among others, quoted below in notes 27f.); idem 2012; idem 2020; idem, ‘Methodisches’ (in preparation). 25. Martyrs’ acts are known to have been read in the Office or even at Mass since early times; cf. Urner 1952. A Centre for Advanced Studies at Regensburg University, ‘Beyond the Canon: Heterotopies of Religious Authority in Late Antique Christianity’, sponsored by the Deutsche Forchungsgemeinschaft (DFG-FOR 2770), is investigating this wider concept of authoritative traditions in texts, material culture, and liturgy. 79 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER into this framework of liturgical experience in the medieval office as a whole: how do they contribute to the semantic network of allusions and references between different texts within a liturgical formulary, but also across the greater cycles of the celebrations in time? Do historiae play with the underlying vitae in a way similar to the play of Temporale antiphons (and even more vigil responsories with their often more sophisticated centonate structure) with the Bible, or are they self-contained? How much interaction of the poetic texts with the accompanying psalms can be discerned? What, in sum, are the prerequisites for the intended liturgical experience, and who are the competent subjects of these celebrations? Peter Jeffery has plausibly argued that monastic reading was probably the link between late antique exegesis and the selection of liturgical pieces, not least in the Roman chant tradition.31 Traditional scholarship emphasized primarily the christological dimension in the liturgical use of psalms. However, a glance at the Sanctorale (not only in the Roman chant repertoire, but already in the fifth-century lectionary of Jerusalem) shows that similar mechanisms are also operative with regard to saints. Behind both, the christologization of psalms and their application to other persons, lies a basic question of late antique exegesis, which mutatis mutandis also determines Jewish interpretation of Psalms, albeit with a different outcome: the investigation into which person is to be identified as the subject of a given text is terminologically called ‘prosopological exegesis’.32 Further below we shall develop the idea that in liturgy, the identification of the subject of a psalm is not a merely exegetical exercise, but a transformative experience;33 but first we must ask how this identification is applied to figures of the Sanctorale. 3. Intertextuality and the role of psalms Hermeneutical techniques in the liturgical use of psalms. Psalms are not only the material backbone of any office: the Romano-Frankish chant repertory of both Mass and Liturgy of the Hours employs hermeneutical techniques that shift the meaning of the text.26 Especially on festal occasions, the intended understanding of the biblical piece does not consist in its plain sense, but is the effect of formal operations which result in hermeneutical transformations. The formal processes operative in the selection of biblical pieces for liturgical use have been identified by Albert Gerhards as isolation and recontextualization.27 By isolating certain quotations from their biblical context and recontextualizing them in the liturgical formulary, their content becomes capable of receiving an additional meaning, which henceforth enriches the perception of the text. Prayers are put into the mouth of Christ (as is already the case with Ps 21[22]:2 Deus deus meus ut quid derelequisti me at Christ’s death according to Mark 15:34/Matthew 27:46; and Ps 30[31]:6 In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum in Luke 23:45); or biblical words are quoted in order to give the experience of the Church a biblical interpretation (as is attested, for example, by the reference to Ps 2:1 Quare fremuerunt gentes in Acts 4:25). These hermeneutical mechanisms of christologization and ecclesiologization are often in direct continuity to the New Testament and to patristic exegesis;28 their liturgical application is already palpable in the earliest extant lectionary of late antique Jerusalem29 and in the few extant hints at the choice of proper psalms in other patristic contexts.30 – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES Proper antiphons of the Sanctorale: select case studies. Through a set of examples we shall explore how these hermeneutical techniques are operative in proper offices of the Sanctorale. After a cursory look at prominent Roman saints, the earliest complete office antiphoner provides the test cases in relatively early non-Roman offices. Later examples are taken from the historiae discussed more extensively in other contributions to this volume. Biblical saints can be left aside in this survey, although some of them contain interesting examples of biblical hermeneutics and intertextual entanglement; they constitute a distinctive case of sanctoral celebrations and are no model for later historiae. The same is true of offices from the Commune, which in a way exemplify the direct opposite of proper compositions for specific saints. a) Early Roman saints. Among early Roman saints,34 St Laurence is probably the most highly venerated martyr of the Church of Rome after Sts Peter and Paul. His office is mostly composed of non-biblical texts,35 though some references to martyrdom through fire draw upon scripture: the vigil antiphon from Ps 16(17):3 Igne me examinasti (CAO 3167) makes the psalm verse topical 26. Along with the literature quoted above in n. 24 and in the following, cf. Fassler 2003. 31. Jeffery 2003 provides a possible bridge on several levels: practice, hermeneutics, and institutional contexts. 27. Gerhards 1998. 32. Rondeau 1985; cf. also Bodendorfer 1998. 28. Cf. Rose 1981 and Fischer 1982. 33. See ch. 4. 29. Cf. Fischer 1983. 34. Although the veneration of all saints mentioned in the following section goes back to Late Antiquity, no concrete Roman sanctoral office can be proven to predate the Carolingian period. 30. A systematic investigation is available only for Augustine: McKinnon 2001; there is a famous but rare Roman example in Leo the Great’s reference to Ps 109 (110) Iuravit dominus in Tractatus 3, 1; 5, 3 (ed. Chavasse 1973, 10; 23). 80 35. CAO 1, 274-281; 2, 520-525, § 103. 81 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER and identifies the subject of the prayer with the martyr,36 employing exactly the same hermeneutical technique as that commonly used on feasts of the Lord or of biblical saints. A longer quotation of the same verse returns in the unanimously attested Benedictus antiphon In craticula te Deum non negavi (CAO 3216),37 which, however, starts with a non-biblical text that contextualises the quotation in the first-person narration of the saint.38 The Lauds antiphon Adhaesit anima mea post te (CAO 1271) adds an allusion to fire to the excerpt from Ps 62(63):9.2: quia caro mea igne cremata est pro te, thus giving the recurrent morning psalm a similar twist: a biblical metaphor becomes reality in the fate of the martyr, which in turn adds a dimension of irritating concretion to the familiar text.39 Finally, it may be added that the opening of the non-biblical vigil antiphon Non ego te desero (CAO 3908) is an allusion to the promise of God formulated in Hebrews 13:5, which is combined with a quotation from the legend.40 The office for the equally important Roman martyr St Sebastian41 is almost totally non-biblical; it contains no allusion to any psalm. Only the gospel of the day, Luke 6:17-23,42 is quoted in the antiphon Multitudo languentium (CAO 3839f.) used in various traditions for the last psalms of Lauds or the canticle Benedictus. The biblical motif of the name inscribed in the book of life (cf. Philippians 4:3; Revelation 3:5, 13:8, 17:8) is integrated in the (less widely transmitted) gospel antiphon Egregie Dei martyr (CAO 2614)43 and the rare antiphon Ecce nomen tuum (CAO 2528).44 The proper office antiphons for the two most eminent female martyrs of the city of Rome, St Agnes45 and St Caecilia46, as well as those for St Agatha47 of Catania in Sicily, whose veneration in the capital likewise goes back to relatively early times, are mostly taken from the respective legends. Biblical texts are rare: some allusions to the Song of Songs come from the Common Office for Virgins;48 the same is true for Ps 44(45), which is an unspecific text suitable for any virgin, including St Mary, and thus also employed occasionally in the offices for the three virgin martyrs under consideration here,49 as well as Ps 45(46).50 More exclusive are Accinxit fortitudine(m) (CAO 1229), taken from Proverbs 31:17f., and Domine deus meus, exaltasti (CAO 2331), quoting Wisdom 31:13 and shared between the Common Office for Virgins and one or more of the three Roman virgin martyrs in isolated manuscripts. However, none of these pieces belongs to the universal or allegedly original repertoire of any proper office of these saints. Even antiphons that quote the gospel of the day are taken over from such Commune items and are only attested exceptionally at the respective feasts.51 Occasionally biblical motifs enter the office via the legend, like the allusion to the sumptuous vesting of St Agnes according to Isaiah 61:10 in the antiphon Induit me dominus (CAO 3328).52 This is also the case in the office for St Caecilia: the famous antiphon Cantantibus organis (CAO 1761), so prominent at the start of Lauds, cites Ps 118(119):80 in its latter part;53 the psalm quotation recurs also in the antiphon Fiat domine cor meum (CAO 2863). Dum 36. The antiphon Beatus Laurentius clamavit et dixit (CAO 1638) contains an allusion to the fiery furnace of Daniel 3:17, but strangely enough is not attested as the antiphon for the congruent canticle Benedicite (Daniel 3:57) in the rare witnesses (only H as Third Antiphon of Vespers and R as Fifth Antiphon of Lauds; manuscript sigla here and in the following as in CAO). B uses the antiphon Jucundus homo (CAO 3510) from Ps 111(112):5 for Second Vespers of St Laurence; it occurs on diverse martyrs’ feasts in various manuscripts. Texts from John 12:24-26, the gospel of the day in the Roman tradition (cf. Chavasse 1993, 2, 33), are occasionally attested for St Laurence, but also for other martyrs. Nisi granum (CAO 3883) from John 12:24 is used in F for the canticles of the Third Nocturn; Qui mihi ministrat (CAO 4485) by D in the same function and by S for the last psalm of the Second Nocturn; Si quis mihi ministraverit (CAO 4910) from John 12:26 is used as gospel antiphon by C, E, M, and for the last psalm of the Second Nocturn by F; Volo pater (CAO 5491), which quotes the same verse, is used by a couple of manuscripts at various locations, beginning with an alternative gospel antiphon for Lauds in C and as antiphon to the Laudate psalms in H. H provides Qui vult venire (CAO 4506) from Matthew 16:24 for the Magnificat of First Vespers. Further remote allusions in other antiphons occasionally attested for St Laurence are referenced in the Antiphonale Synopticum (gregorianik.uni-regensburg.de). 37. The Lauds antiphon Probasti me (CAO 4387) attested only by C is likewise taken from Ps 16(17):3. 38. The non-biblical part of the antiphon does not appear to come literally from the Passion of the saint. 39. The antiphon appears as contrafact to – or was created in common with – CAO 1272, Adhaesit anima mea post te, quia caro mea lapidata est pro te […] for St Stephen, which differs only in the reference to the way of martyrdom. 40. Mombritius 1910, 2, 94, 22. 41. CAO 1, 104-107; 2, 174-179, § 44; cf. Rankin’s paper in this volume, 19-20. 42. Cf. Chavasse 1993, 2, 26. An allusion to Luke 11:28 can be seen in the antiphon Polycarpus presbyter (CAO 4300). Further rather remote allusions are identified in the Antiphonale Synopticum. 43. Only F uses the piece as antiphon to the last psalm of the Second Nocturn. 44. Only B (and the Mont-Renaud manuscript, not referenced by Hesbert), likewise with the last psalm of the Second Nocturn. 82 45. – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES CAO 1, 106-109; 2, 180-185, § 45. 46. CAO 1, 334-337; 2, 622-629, § 118. 47. CAO 1, 118-121; 2, 200-205, § 49. 48. The antiphon Veni sponsa Christi (CAO 5328) alludes to Song of Songs 4:8; O quam pulchra es/est (CAO 4069; cf. Song of Songs 4:1; 7:6) is shared by St Mary and other virgins. An isolated exception is Ista est quae ascendit (Cantus index 202661), alluding to Song of Songs 8:5 and so far only attested in E-Tc 44.1 exclusively for St Agnes. 49. Specie tua (CAO 4987), clearly a text primarily shared by Marian feasts and the Common Office for Virgins. 50. Adiuvabit eam (CAO 1282), like the aforementioned piece only occasionally adopted by offices for a specific virgin. Deus in medio eius is probably in the first place to be understood as a metaphorical allusion to Mary’s pregnancy, adding very concretely to the more general Marian Sion-typology associated with the psalm signifying God’s relation to the Holy City. Only E-Tc 44.1 employs Veni electa mea (CAO 5323) with its allusion to Ps 44(45):5, not only for the Common Office for Virgins, but also for St Agatha. 51. Scattered evidence exists for the use of Prudentes virgines (CAO 4404; cf. Matthew 25:4.6) for St Agnes; the thirteenth-century antiphoner GB-WO F.160 offers a gospel antiphon from Matthew 25 for St Agatha, Caecilia, Catharina, and the Common of Virgins; see Antiphonale Synopticum ad Ista est virgo (not referenced in CAO or Cantus Index). Simile est regnum caelorum decem hominibus (CAO 4953) from the same pericope occurs not only for virgins in general, but sporadically (most prominently in H, albeit altera manu) also for St Caecilia. Simile est regnum caelorum […] sagenae (CAO 4956) from Matthew 13:47 is occasionally provided for St Agatha. The exceptional use of Inventa bona margarita (CAO 3396) from Matthew 13:46 for St Caecilia may hint at the use of that gospel pericope for her feast. 52. Mombritius 1910, 1, 41, 3. 53. Ibidem, 1, 333, 3-5. 83 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER aurora (CAO 2437) alludes to Romans 13:12 already in the legend.54 The only psalmodic text exclusively assigned to one of these saints and probably not taken from the legend is the antiphon Expansis manibus (CAO 2797) in the office for St Caecilia, which nevertheless converts the first-person prayer of Ps 142(143):6 to a third-person narrative of the past.55 In sum, proper antiphons taken from psalms are extremely rare in offices for early Roman non-biblical saints. Those which are not taken over from common offices (like those from Ps 44[45] and Ps 45[46]) are either adopted as secondary quotations within texts from the legend (as in the offices for St Agnes and St Caecilia), or they appear as very occasional images from the Bible (like the metaphor of fire in some proper texts for St Laurence). For the most part, biblical and non-biblical elements run along independently in these offices. Ps 78(79):9 adiuva nos Deus salutaris noster;63 the whole text with this biblical element is, however, derived from the Passion.64 Occasional biblical elements in the office for St Martin likewise come from his life.65 The alternative gospel antiphon Sacerdotes dei (CAO 4675, the unspectacular eighth piece in a row of ten) with its allusions to Daniel 3:84f. is obviously adopted from the Common Office for a Confessor, where it accompanies the respective canticle from Daniel 366 – certainly not only the more appropriate, but also the original place of the piece. Some other offices are less complete: St Symphorianus gets only a couple of proper antiphons – little more than would be needed for Lauds – without clear biblical allusions.67 A series for Lauds only is provided for St Germanus of Paris; the antiphons do not contain any element from a psalm, although the opening of the gospel antiphon Visitavit nos Deus (CAO 5475) combines an allusion to Genesis 50:24 (ferte vobiscum hinc ossa) with a conspicuous link to the Canticle Benedictus (Luke 1:78) in the opening section.68 From the Lauds antiphon series for St Hermes,69 only the fourth, Expansis manibus (CAO 2797), is a combination of allusions to Ps 142(143):6 and 9; but this piece is borrowed from the office for St Caecilia discussed above. St Mauritius, St Quintinus, and St Briccius have proper series for Lauds without the slightest reference to the Bible,70 St Vedastus a series of responsories.71 An interim balance shows that early proper offices for non-biblical saints do not draw extensively on the Bible; antiphons taken from or alluding to the psalm or canticle that they accompany appear as rare exceptions, most of which are mediated through the saint’s legend. Integrating such allusions more systematically seems to be a secondary development. b) Early non-Roman offices. A similar picture emerges in early non-Roman offices. The Compiègne antiphoner (F-Pn lat. 17436, ca. 860-880) provides the test-case of a relatively early repertory. It does not contain many full proper offices for saints whose cult was not inherited from Rome;56 and almost none of them have instances of a connection between an antiphon and its psalm. The antiphons and responsories for the July feast for St Benedict draw completely on his life,57 as do the texts for St Medardus.58 In the office for St Dionysius59 only the gospel antiphon Adest namque beati Dionysii (CAO 1264) contains the biblical motif of “accepting the crown”, but no precise quotation or exclusive allusion.60 In the Lauds antiphon Cum essent in tormentis (CAO 1998) of the office for Sts Crispinus and Crispinianus,61 the exclamation adjuva nos, Domine comes together with its non-biblical continuation ut perficiamus opus tuum sine macula from the legend.62 The antiphon Beata et gloriosa mors (CAO 1567) for the canticle Benedicite from Daniel 3 combines an allusion to the situation of that canticle, Daniel 3:24, with a literal quotation of 54. Ibidem, 1, 339, 5-7. – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES c) Later non-Roman offices. Many later historiae get along without any reference to the Bible; although they often exhibit a sophisticated dramaturgy and sometimes apply a complex hermeneutical architecture, their antiphons 63. Beata et gloriosa mors sanctorum qui deambulabant in flammarum incendia (cf. Daniel 3:24) decantabant hymnum dicentes adiuva nos deus salutaris noster (Ps 78[79]:9). 55. The text of the antiphon is all the more striking, since it is not taken from Ps 2, which it accompanies as the Second Antiphon of the First Nocturn. 64. Acta Sanctorum Octobris 11, 536 D-E, § 3: Qui etiam Martyres sancti electos pueros inter Caldaicas flammas hymnum imitabantur cantantes, orabantque et dicebant: Adjuva nos, Deus salutaris noster […]. 56. The office for All Saints (CAO 1, 318-324, § 115) is not considered here, as it is composed of common antiphons for various categories of saints. 65. CAO 1, 324-328, § 116. Most notable is fiat voluntas tua (cf. Matthew 6:10; 26:42) in the famous antiphon Domine, si adhuc (CAO 2382); cf. Mombritius 1910, 2, 229, 19f. 57. CAO 1, 266-268, § 1024. Only accipere coronam, part of the third gospel antiphon Beata Augusta (CAO 1561), is a biblical motif (Sirach 32:3; I Corinthians 9:25; James 1:12; Revelation 3:11). 66. Ibidem, 362, § 125. 67. Ibidem, 290, § 107. 68. Ibidem, 246, § 9717. 69. Ibidem, 302, § 1092. 58. Ibidem, 246-250, § 982. 59. Ibidem, 312-314, § 114. 60. accipere coronam is attested only in James 1:12; but cf. also I Peter 5:4; Revelation 2:10f.; 14:14. 61. CAO 1, 316-318, § 1145. 70. Ibidem, 306, § 111; 318, § 1146; 330, § 117 (apart from the common versicle Ecce sacerdos magnus with its allusion to Sirach 50:1). 62. Acta Sanctorum Octobris 11, 536 C, § 3. 71. 84 Ibidem, 312, § 1132. 85 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER function independently from the psalmodic backbone of the office.72 In the historiae from Trier presented in Danette Brink’s contribution to this volume, for example, biblical references appear to occur only rarely;73 likewise, no link between psalms and antiphons is made in the Historia Sancti Stephani Regis analysed by Roman Hankeln.74 At the same time, in the later Middle Ages a tendency to integrate connections with the respective psalms in the offices for non-biblical saints may be observed. The versified thirteenth-century office for St Donatus analysed by Benjamin Brand75 is probably a not atypical case, though a more systematic investigation of broader repertoires seems to be lacking so far.76 Whereas Vespers and most items of Lauds are completely non-biblical, all nine antiphons of the Nocturns as well as the First Antiphon of Lauds quote or allude to the psalms they are accompanying, that is Ps 1:1; 2:1f.; 3:5; 4:4.6; 8:2=10; 10(11):2; 14(15):1; 20(21):1, and Ps 92(93):1. It is probably no mere coincidence that seven out of ten instances refer to the opening verse (which in modern bibles is sometimes counted as verse 2 because of the psalm headings). Most antiphons simply state that a motif from the psalm was fulfilled in the saint’s life;77 some modify the biblical text in order to construct an assertion about him.78 Although the biblical texts thus serve to a large extent as building blocks for a narration about the saint, there are elements of actualization: Ps 5:2 turns the prayer of the psalmist into a petition that Christ may give ear to the supplication of the saint, which thereby is understood as intercession: Verba sancti percipe / Christe, supplicantis […]. The God of the Old Testament psalm is repeatedly identified with Christ.79 Certain psalm verses seem to recommend themselves for such a procedure: although the (fourteenth-century?) versified office for St Stanislaus80 uses another verse of Ps 1 and Ps 5 (Ps 1:2; 5:7) and composes the last antiphon of Nocturns almost completely from elements of Ps 20(21),81 it draws on the same or similar formulations from Ps 2:1f.; 3:4f.; 4:4.6; 8:2=10; 14(15):1 as the aforementioned office for St Donatus. Beyond Nocturns, no biblical references occur in this historia. Almost the same psalm verses are integrated into the vigil antiphons of the thirteenth-century office for St Ludgerus:82 Ps 1:3; 3:4f.; 10(11):1; Ps 14(15):1 are said to have been fulfilled in the saint; of Ps 20(21), the opening verse is applied, and Ps 23(24):5 opens the last antiphon of Nocturns.83 The Second Antiphon, however, alludes only remotely to Ps 2:1f., converting the “gathering of the peoples”, which in the psalm serves a negative plot, into a positive narration of the peoples’ conversion by the saint: […] gentes congregavit in unitatem. Of Ps 8:2=10, too, there is only a remote echo: O admirabile divinitatis nomen […]. The latter two offices integrate quotations or allusions to the vigil psalms systematically into their antiphons; but the adoption of psalm verses in the narration still leaves a historical distance between the celebrating community, the saint, and the biblical text. In some offices, the allusions are limited to key pieces or certain hours: The only (rather loose) connection to any psalm made by the thirteenth-century versified office for St Francis is the recurrent use of the word laudare and the addressing of birds, animals, and other creatures in the antiphon for the Laudate Psalms 148(-150), which plants the biblical exhortation to praise in the life of the saint: Laudans laudare monuit, laus illi semper adfuit, laus inquam salvatoris. invitat aves, bestias et creaturas alias ad laudem conditoris.84 In the office for St Carolus (Charlemagne),85 the First Antiphon of Nocturns uses an allusion to Ps 1:3 to state that the hero of the day was “planted by streams of water” – a simple assertion which appears to be common in antiphons in this position.86 In Lauds, the references become more frequent: the First Antiphon applies the “girding with strength” mentioned in Ps 92(93):1 to Charlemagne instead of to the Lord of the biblical text – a bold transferral. The Third Antiphon 72. This also seems to be the case in the unedited offices for St Florian mentioned by Klugseder in this volume, pp. 266-268. 73. Brink in this volume, p. 256, referring to responsories with biblical verses in the office for St Helena. 74. Dobszay 2010; cf. Hankeln in this volume, p. 96 et passim. 75. AH 24, 207-210; cf. Brand in this volume, pp. 64-65, with reference to Hughes 2011-2012, 1, 165-168, and Marshall 2011. 76. The vast corpus of offices written by Christanus (sic) Campoliliensis and mentioned by Klugseder in this volume (pp. 265-266), contain biblical motifs and psalmodic references, but cannot be analysed here. Marshall 2011, 47f., mentions some examples. 77. Ps 1:1: Peccatorum cathedra / Sanctus hic non sedit […]; Ps 2:1f: Fremuerunt populi / Convenerunt gentes […]; Ps 4:4: Invocantem exaudivit / Sanctum et mirificavit […]; cf. also Ps 8:2=10 Nomen tuum, Domine, / Cunctis est mirabile […]; Ps 20(21):1.4: In virtute tua, Christe, / Sanctum coronasti […]. 78. Ps 3:5: Cum precatur, exaudisti (second person instead of exaudivit me) / Servum tuum, Domine […]; Ps 10(11):2: Hic in Domino confidit (third person instead of first) […], thus turning the prayer of the psalmist into a narration about the saint. As in the Christological use of the same verse on Holy Saturday, the question Quis habitabit of Ps 14(15):1 is converted into an assertion, in this case about the saint: Habitabit, Domine, / In monte sancto tuo […]. 79. Ps 20(21), as quoted in n. 77; Ps 92(93):1: Christus Dominus regnavit / Nitens fortitudine […]. 86 80. – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES AH 5, 79-82, here 82. On the use of this office in the diocese of Trent, see Ruini in this volume, p. 336. 81. Deus, tuo munere / justum praevenisti, / Cordis desiderium / ejus implevisti, Cum corona gloriae / et vitam tribuisti; cf. Ps 20(21):4, 3, 4, 6, 5. 82. Historiae 15; cf. Hankeln in this volume, pp. 92 et passim. 83. Ps 20(21):2: Super salutare Dei exultavit vehementer […]; Ps 23(24):5: Hic accipient benedictionem a Domino […]. 84. Felder 1901; cf. Hankeln in this volume. 85. Jammers 1934; cf. Hankeln in this volume. Manuscripts survive only from the fourteenth century, but Jammers 1934, 76, proposes an origin in “1166 oder 1167 oder bald danach”. 86. See the offices for St Donatus, Stanislaus, and Ludgerus mentioned above; examples could easily be multiplied. 87 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BUCHINGER of Lauds plays with some words from Ps 62(63):3, most notably ‘desert’; the Fourth with the keyword of Daniel 3, benedicere in saecula, and the Fifth mentions praise in cithara et tympano (cf. Ps 150:3f.). Although the (fourteenth-century?) versified office for St Hedwig is largely nonbiblical, the Second, Fourth and Fifth antiphon for Lauds open with prominent quotations from Ps 65(66):1, Daniel 3:86, and Ps 148:1, all of which motivate a biblical imperative to praise God with the saint’s glorification, thus moving from the narration of her life and the plea for her intercession to cosmic jubilation about her exaltation to heavenly reign and joy – a beautiful actualization of the morning praise: In sum, it is clear that the observation highlighted by Benjamin Brand, that in certain historiae the psalms are more than mere carrier media for a separate history about the saint, but rather act intertextually with the respective antiphons, is undoubtedly a promising avenue for future investigation. Iubilate Deo omnis terra, quia Christo ista famula conregnat […] Benedicite, spiritus et animae iustorum, quia Dei filius […] deduxit famulam Hedwigem ad gaudia caelorum. Laudate Dominum de caelis, in quibus Hedwigis fidelis gaudet cum Domino […].87 Nevertheless, the only bond between the story of the saint and her liturgical celebration is the construction of a causal nexus between her glorification and the psalmody, which thus remain separate entities. More sophisticated are the references to the respective psalms in all antiphons for Lauds of the later thirteenth-century office for St Elisabeth Gaudeat Hungaria.88 The First Antiphon converts the motif of God’s “robing with beauty” from the first verse of Ps 92(93):1 into a transitive statement about Christ’s benefactions towards the needy, thus fulfilling the proclamation of Ps 92(93):5: Tua testimonia Christe credibilia nuptis sunt et viduis quas decorem induis […]. The Second Antiphon actualizes the exhortation that opens Ps 99(100):2 to praise and serve God in communion with the saint: Omnis terra domino iubilet et serviat cum hac sancta […]. The Third Antiphon is a more straightforward cento of motifs from the morning Ps 62(63) which are put into context only lightly: Super vitas melior est misericordia quam laudant labia militantium … The lengthy Fourth Antiphon plays only at its beginning and end with the motif of “praising” that dominates the canticle Benedicite: Benedicta vidua […] benedicit dominum. The last antiphon, too, leads to the opening of the following Ps 148(-150) only at its conclusion: […] in gaudio lauda plebs fidelis dominum de celis. This office connects the biblical text intricately with the life and deeds of the saint being celebrated, the agency of the Trinity, and the performance of the actual liturgy. 87. AH 26, 79-82, here 82. On the use of this office in the diocese of Trent, see Ruini in this volume, p. 336. 88. Haggh 1995; cf. Hankeln in this volume. 88 – ON THE HERMENEUTICS AND FUNCTION OF SAINTS’ OFFICES 4. Taking the performative aspect seriously What, ultimately, is the liturgical function of a saint’s office? Although historiae may at first sight appear to be a kind of sung vita, describing the virtues, deeds, and glory of their heroes in the third person and in the past tense, they are not only accounts of a distant past, but also re-present their content in the liturgical performance. Neither do the intertextual references of an office simply constitute sophisticated poetry; they rather serve the creation of a ritual space in which the intended experience can take place. Liturgy always has a performative dimension: celebrating an office is not admiring works of art, but a transformative experience, a performance in the double sense of the word: a performance of the rite which at the same time has a performative character for its subject. Liturgical theology therefore asks three questions. Firstly, how does the celebration of a saint’s office relate to its content? Terminologically: how is its anamnetic content actualised? Secondly, what is the role and function of the canonized figure in his or her celebration? Thirdly, how does the liturgical celebration transform its subjects? Saints as objects and subjects: Veneration and intercession. Two performative aspects are obvious: historiae serve the veneration of the respective saint, and they often integrate – and frequently culminate in – a plea for intercession. The first characteristic is the fundamental presupposition of special saints’ offices, even when it is not expressly stated in the text: monasteries and their members were conceived as literally belonging to their titular saints and therefore per definitionem dedicated to their cult;89 honouring them with lavish offices thus pertained to the raison d’être of such communities. (The same may be true to a certain extent of cities that were often considered the property of their patron saints.) The second aspect becomes clear from the content of some of these offices themselves. As Henry Parkes points out (and a look at further historiae easily confirms), many of them conclude with a supplication. Such elements are important indications of a performative aspect of the whole series of speech-acts: it is hoped that the intercession will have an effect on the congregation (and, 89. Angenendt 2007, 207, with reference to Häußling 1973, 216 (“Die Reliquienverehrung isoliert sich aus dem soziologischen Zusammenhang des internen Gemeindelebens in eine kultfordende Realität”); Angenendt 123-142. 89 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES perhaps, on others who provided the funds for those praying in a society based on the division of labour); and if the office culminates in this prayer, the supplicatory dimension can be identified as an outstanding goal of paramount importance. Veneration and intercession, however, still leave the saint at a distance: either at the narrative distance of a recalled past, or at a transcendental distance, a figure ‘over there’ in the other world, who may be invoked for aid. Narrating a saint’s history makes him a historical object; asking for his intercession appeals to him as subject. Both actions suppose and constitute a gap between the celebrating community and the celebrated person. The potential of liturgy: Transforming the performers. A third dimension operates, however, when psalms are involved. In liturgy, the identification of the subject of a psalm is not a merely exegetical exercise, but a transformative experience: liturgical use of psalms not only correlates two historical texts or figures; the actual recitation adds the subject of the liturgy to the triangle of experiences correlated with each other. In liturgical psalmody, especially in the psalmodic proper chants, an identification in the double sense takes place. The subject of the psalm is identified with a historical subject, be it Christ in the feasts of the Lord or a saint in a sanctoral celebration; the psalm is used to interpret the life of Christ or the saint, and in turn the meaning of the psalm is enriched by this resonance. At the same time, the celebrating subject identifies him- or herself not with the subject of the psalm only (as he or she does in the regular psalmody of ordinary days). The fulfilment of the biblical text in the life or death of Christ or the saint not only provides an additional potential of meaning through intertextual relation, but also has the potential to transform the performer’s own experience in the light of this interpretative surplus. This transformative effect constitutes the performative aspect of liturgy in the double sense of the word. It is to be hoped that liturgical studies will in the future play their part in concerted interdisciplinary efforts to explore these various aspects of medieval offices and their theological, spiritual and hermeneutical potential. Roman Hankeln Norwegian University of Science and Technology, NTNU Music and text in saints’ offices: two approaches The descriptive analysis of text-music interaction in plainchant involves several dimensions. Among them are: 1. the interplay between syntactical and/or poetical and musical structure (syntax and phrasing), 2. the interplay between words and their syllabic and/or melismatic treatment in music, 3. the relationship between syllables/words and melodic contour, and 4. the relationship between the meaning and emotion of the text and their musical setting.1 The present contribution confines itself to a discussion of the second and fourth of these dimensions only. Although constituents of the same cultural and artistic phenomenon, these dimensions require different methodological approaches. In the first study (I), therefore, a statistical approach will be used, in order to gain a general overview of syllabic/melismatic text setting based on comparisons. In the second study (II), selected chants will be interpreted in order to exemplify the articulation of meaning in melody. A remark about methodology concludes the essay (III). I – Study I. Words, their syllabic and/or melismatic setting and the question of stylistic analysis in historiae Today’s singers and conductors of saints’ offices perhaps share my experience: syllabic antiphons from the Franco-Roman repertory are relatively easy to perform. The real challenge begins with the more melismatic pieces from the centuries after the turn of the millenium, with their habit of rapidly interchanging syllabically and melismatically set syllables. A simultaneous ensemble performance is demanding if one tries to achieve a smooth and balanced delivery of syllables with an apparently irregular alternation of one, two or more notes, without forgetting to enhance the accents of the words. The quicker the tempo chosen, the more difficult coordination becomes. 1. Willi Apel discussed all these perspectives, focussing on the Romano-Frankish plainchant repertory, without including historiae. See his chapter ‘Melody and text’ (Apel 1958, 266-304) and the paragraphs ‘Textual and melodic phrases’ (issue 1), ‘The textual accent’, / ‘The sustaining (melismatic) accent’ (issue 2), ‘The tonic accent’ / ‘The cursus’ (issue 3), ‘Expression, mood, word-painting’ (issue 4). 90 91 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN Today a modern performer may indeed experience intuitively the text-setting of, for example, the antiphons from the Ludgerus office (12th c., ed. Bezuidenhout, Historiae 15) as being rather unusual in comparison with other saints’ offices, for example the old Franco-Roman antiphons from the office in honour of St Sebastian (discussed below). But from a methodological standpoint we are not really able to say what the exact features are which differentiate the setting and declamation in the Ludgerus office from those in the Sebastian office, or even from that of more contemporary cycles like that in honour of St Elisabeth (13th c., ed. Haggh, Historiae 1). Thus the following questions arise. Did medieval composers have certain aesthetic ideals in mind when they linked certain syllables of their texts to one, two or more notes? What was the upper limit of the number of notes for the longest melisma in antiphons? Do long words (with more than four syllables) attract a melismatic setting, a syllabic setting, or both? Are short two-syllable words treated differently from long words? Can we, in addition, identify rules for the melismatic or non-melismatic setting of accented syllables, rules for syllables at the end of the word, rules for the number of notes on non-accented syllables in general? Some of these questions were hotly debated in earlier literature (because they are linked with the question of intelligibility and the idea of plainchant as a kind of sermon or ‘Wortverkündigung’). But most of them have not been addressed at all. This leads to the question of whether the differences of textsetting mentioned might be described in a systematic way, and whether it might be possible to uncover the aesthetic framework behind the various approaches to text-setting that operates in saints’ offices. What follows is a first step toward answering these questions. As with any exploration of fairly uncharted territory, the following essay necessarily proceeds experimentally, employing a newly invented set of terms and a new kind of methodology. Both terms and methodology are legitimized not only by the problem they try to solve, but also through the results they bring forth. So I believe at least. My hope is that they may fuel a discussion leading to firmer conclusions. Table 1. (after Haggh Two Offices for St Elizabeth [Historiae 1], 1) 1. Texture The antiphon at the start of First Vespers in the thirteenth-century historia for St Elisabeth (its incipit, Gaudeat Hungaria, serves as a title for the whole cycle) may serve as an example of a stylistic feature quite characteristic of later office antiphons: it shows a much more melismatic behaviour in comparison with those in the earlier Franco-Roman style. We see/hear an alternation between syllables which receive short two- to three-note melismas or single notes. Table 1 shows an abbreviated example of this behaviour. 92 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES Melody FED CD D F GF Ga a G F E DC EFD CD D Note values 3 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 3 1 Text GAU- -de- -at Hun- -GA- -ri- -a IU- bi- let Thu- RIN- gi- Word pattern 3pp 4pp 3pp 4pp Word 1 Word 2 Word 3 Word 4 2 a The table’s first row represents the melody in letters, the second the number of notes each syllable receives. I call this number ‘note-value’ (short ‘n-value’) and understand the succession of n-values on the syllables of single words as a series. (See for example the series ‘3 2 1’ on ‘Gaudeat’.) I call these series ‘texture-patterns’ (short ‘t-pattern’) since they represent what I want to call the ‘texture’ of these antiphons: the relationship between syllables of the words, and the melismatic and syllabic elements of their musical setting (expressed in note-values). Previous research has described how medieval and late medieval poetic verse was organized, and the testimony of medieval theorists gives us some evidence that the text and its proper declamation were indeed an issue for medieval cantors and singers.2 But how linguistic details were reflected in music, what impact, for example, the word-accent actually had during composition and performance, is a question that cannot be answered globally, certainly not for all periods of the long history of plainchant.3 I approach these patterns therefore as series of musical and linguistic events we do not yet understand, and choose deliberately the neutral term ‘texture’, not ‘rhythm’ in this context. Latin polysyllabic words can be classified according to the number of their syllables and the position of the accented syllable (henceforth called ‘accent’). In order to refer to the various word-classes, research occasionally uses figures (for the numbers of syllables) and the letters ‘p’ (paroxytonic) and ‘pp’ (proparoxytonic), which indicate whether the word-accent falls on the penultimate (p) or antepenultimate (pp) syllable.4 In the excerpt from the 2. For late medieval verse see Norberg 1985. On the role of proper text-declamation note for example the criticism by Aurelianus Reomensis of the mistakes other cantors made in this respect in his Musica Disciplina (see the remark in Apel 1958, 287. The Commemoratio brevis places the text at the centre of attention, demanding high-quality musical performances based on understanding and skill (Bailey 1979, 26, 28). See the remarks about the role of the text in Aurelian and the Commemoratio in Wagner 1921, 268. 3. I need only refer to psalmodic practice, which was obviously not uniform, see Bailey 1976. 4. See Ewald Jammers’ description of the texture in his introduction to the Charlemagne office, which shows a comparable application of poetic terminology on single words (Jammers 1934, ch. 2. ‘Die rythmischen Elemente’, 33-44). As a scholar of his time, Jammers connects his description with hypotheses about mensural values of the single notes, which of course is not at all my intention here. 93 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN Elisabeth antiphon above, we meet only two word-classes: 3pp (words 1 and 3) and 4pp (words 2 and 4). But they receive no less than four different t-patterns; pattern 1: ‘3 2 1’, pattern 2: ‘1 2 2 1’, pattern 3: ‘1 1 1’, and pattern 4: ‘2 3 2 1’. In our example the accented syllables in words 1, 2 and 4 receive melismas, but by no means do they always receive the longest melisma (this is the case in words 1 and 4). The accent on word 3 (‘IUbilet’) is set syllabically. The attitude towards the accent thus seems to be rather vague in this example. All in all, variation of texture seems to prevail. There is just one feature the various t-patterns in this excerpt have in common: all show only one note on their final syllable. The variability of texture in examples like this is certainly an analytical challenge – not least because it is not yet known whether the composers applied the t-patterns more or less at random, whether they followed certain principles, or whether they actually applied certain functions to patterns. Detailed analyses of hexameter settings are rare. Even less numerous are detailed analytical studies of the melismatic/syllabic setting of texts in rhymed verse with alternating accentuation – the hallmark of rhymed offices. Generally detesting rhymed offices, but still fair enough to dedicate some remarks to them, Peter Wagner could not find any reflections of the poetry’s alternating accentuation in their melodies and attested a prose-like treatment to rhymed offices.9 Jammers, adopting a more differentiated approach, confirmed the principal role of the accent, but recognized also a ‘certain influence of the verse’.10 More recent studies emphasize the existence of various approaches of word-setting, which include also prose-like solutions.11 Let us return briefly to the Elisabeth antiphon quoted above. It seems obvious that in this piece it was not intended to reflect a strictly alternating verse-rhythm (in the manner of ‘Gáudeàt Hungárià, iúbilèt Thuríngià …’) through melismas on main and secondary accents. One indicator for this is the already mentioned consistent setting of the last syllables not with melismas, but with single notes. Many examples of this kind of settings exist (as we will see below). Thus we have to be aware of the possibility that neither metrical feet nor alternating verseaccents played a decisive role in the application of melismas to the text syllables of saints’ offices. It remains to be asked whether other landmarks of linguistic structure did so. 2. Accent, verse, metre, and the problem of their reflection in music. Older research usually approached texture-related questions by general remarks about syllabic, neumatic, or melismatic ‘style’, and/or by examining the relationship between word-accent and its ‘attraction’ of melismas.5 Among the more specific approaches Ewald Jammers’ study of the office in honour of Charlemagne (1934) must be mentioned. It included a discussion of the interaction between single words, their syllables, and whether they were given a syllabic or a melismatic setting. The Charlemagne office is especially interesting in our context because it uses hexameter verses (among other poetic schemes). However, Jammers’ investigation of the question of whether the long and/or short text-syllables of metric feet were somehow reflected in the music led to negative results. He concluded that, not series of pedes, but word-units were set into music, that the text was not treated like poetry, but like prose.6 Jammers’ observation is supported by the numerous occasions in the office where accented syllables receive melismas, final syllables however only single notes – which fits perfectly with a prose-like interpretation, but not so well with the custom of making the final syllable of those words long which are intended for a spondaic hexameter foot.7 More recent philological-musicological research has repeatedly noted a prose-like setting of hexametric poetry as well.8 5. The question of the accent and its representation in plainchant was a hotly debated issue in the older literature about the traditional Roman-Frankish plainchant repertory, see Apel 1958, 275. 6. “[…] dass der Text, ausser bei den Versenden […], nicht als Vers, sondern als Prosa komponiert wurde, dass nicht Versfüsse, sondern Wörter vertont wurden”. Jammers 1934, 22. Later Jammers (1934, 23) remarks even more emphatically: “Für den Komponisten ist der Hexameter eine Art Reimprosa mit besonderen Regeln […]” (“For the composer the hexameter is sort of rhymed prose with some special rules […].”). 7. See also the summary in Jammers 1934, 38. 8. See Schlager 1995, 633, as well as Björkvall and Haug 2000, 287, 296. 94 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 3. An experiment Working towards a solution of this and other related questions, I looked for procedures which would allow the systematic description and comparison of the texture of a wide range of saints’ offices. I adopted a statistical approach, hoping that it would allow the comparison of whole historia repertories and the identification of individual attitudes and general trends, and might therefore be useful for the purpose of an initial general overview. I conducted an experiment, consisting of a number of smaller tests, the results of which I should like to share with the scientific community not least in order to further discussion of related methodological issues.12 The experiment was based on the rather small number of six antiphon repertories whose texts were written in prose, accentual poetry, and hexameters. Against 9. Wagner 1910, 302. 10. Jammers 1930, 87. 11. Björkvall and Haug (1999, 5-6) pointed for example to the phenomenon of placing a melisma on the accent in cases where the alternating verse-rhythm would overrule the individual word-accent. The setting of the first antiphon of the Trinity office Gloria tibi trinitas by Stephen of Liège is discussed as an instance. 12. The present analysis tries to explore the usefulness of this approach in continuation of my statistical description of melodic style in historiae antiphons, first presented in Hankeln 2001a. Hankeln 2009c is written in the same methodological vein and gives the results from a greater number of offices. 95 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN the background of indications of prose-like settings of poetry just discussed, I interpreted these chant texts, despite their diverse linguistic form, simply as prose, recording only the position of one accent and the placement of melismas or single notes on the accent-syllable and the other syllables of complete words, assuming hypothetically that medieval composers did not focus on metrical feet and/or alternating main and secondary accents, but on the prose-accent. I asked, furthermore, whether the accented syllable and/or other syllables of the various words were recognizably connected to specific t-patterns. The focus not only on accents but on complete word-units has its background partly in Jammers’ remarks about a changed attitude towards the treatment of single words in the later offices,13 partly in the findings of recent research which supports this view by pointing to the habit of linking the first and/or the final note of a word-unit to a central note of the ambitus.14 Table 2. Words and word-classes 4. Scope The six antiphon repertories were deliberately chosen from various stylistic and historical levels: from the historiae in honour of Charlemagne (Carolus, twelfth century: Car), Elisabeth (Gaudeat Hungaria, thirteenth century: Eli), Franciscus (thirteenth century: Fra), Ludgerus (twelfth century: Lud), Stephanus rex (twelfth century: Ste), and Sebastian (Seb: traditional, panEuropean repertory, formulaic melodies).15 The five antiphon repertories have differing numbers of text-words – all in all just over 2300 words were taken into consideration. These words were classified according to their length and the positioning of the accent. Table 2 shows the word-classes visible in the antiphon repertories. As mentioned previously, the texts of these six repertories show various kinds of poetic organization. Only the Sebastian antiphons use prose texts, the historiae for Eli, Fra, and Ste are written in rhymed (alternating, and/ or syllable-counting) poetry, whereas some antiphons from Lud and Car use hexameter texts. 5. Melismas: length and placement This part of my essay includes two smaller inquiries. The first describes the length and placement of melismas on the syllables of the various word-classes. The pertinent question is: “Can we observe certain syllables that particularly ‘attract’ melismas and others that do not?” 13. He speaks about an increased melodic focus on the single word: “[…] the word figures rather even more than before in the centre of composition, [it is] not so much prayed as proclaimed […]: it is not submerged in the melodic flow of a type-melody, instead it is faithfully embraced for itself alone, in a sense, and rendered musically”. My translation from Jammers 1934, 89. 14. The excerpt from the Elisabeth office above shows this attitude. Of the 13 words of this antiphon, 9 start and/ or end on the final or the upper fifth a. About this attitude see for example Hankeln 2008, 171-172 with further literature. 15. The files Carolus, Elisabeth, Franciscus, Ludovicus, Sebastian and Stephanus show the raw data in tables. Information about sources and available editions is given at the start of these files. The data forming the basis for the present analyses are available as Excel files. They contain the text-words of the offices and their accentuation-patterns marked according to the categories described. The files can be obtained from the author via e-mail: roman. hankeln@ntnu.no. 96 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES words 1 2p 3p 3pp 4p 4pp 5p 5pp 6p 6pp 7p 7pp Elisabeth 358 69 100 43 88 17 27 - 11 - 3 - - Franciscus 550 135 161 69 104 20 39 11 10 - 1 - - Ludgerus 313 52 103 45 40 34 25 8 4 2 - - - Sebastian 3122 79 85 37 35 30 24 18 2 - 1 - 1 Stephanus rex 430 110 133 36 61 43 39 4 2 1 1 - - Carolus 351 52 75 55 20 33 - 2 - - - - 1 3 114 1 Franciscus: 551 words, but some notes are missing in the first word of the None antiphon (‘Celorum’ 3p) in Felder’s edition. The word was therefore not taken into consideration. 2 Sebastian: 314 words, minus two indifferent Hebraic words: ‘alleluia’, ‘Zacharie’. 3 Stephanus rex: 431 words, minus one indifferent Hebraic word: ‘alleluia’. 5.1. Length of melismas The six antiphon repertories show a clear predilection for short, two-, threeand four-note melismas. The older Sebastian antiphons are the most restrained in this respect (five-note melismas are already rare, no melisma is longer than six notes). The Elisabeth antiphons show the same predilection for short melismas (some few five-note melismas, only one six-note melisma). The Ludgerus antiphons have longer melismas (five to nine notes) more frequently. We observe an increase of melismatic length among the Stephanus and Carolus antiphons.16 The Franciscus antiphons show the highest amount of melismatic extension. We find some five- to ten-note melismas, and two seventeen-note melismas in the antiphons for Sext and None. The longest melisma, of eighteen notes, can be found in the Benedictus antiphon.17 5.2. N-values and syllable positions Table 2 above shows that words with one, two, three, and four syllables are by far the most frequent in the offices; in addition, two- to four-note melismas 16. Stephanus: we find 5- to 10-note melismas and one instance of a 12-note melisma (1V-Am ‘preDA’, see Dobszay, Historia Sancti Stephani (Historiae 18), 4). The Carolus antiphons show exceptionally 5-10 notes, one 12- and one 20-note melisma (2V-Am ‘veniam’). 17. 17 notes: Sext antiphon ‘Regna’, None antiphon ‘Ore’, both Felder 1901, xxxVIII. 18 notes: Lauds, Antiphona ad Benedictus ‘PREtendisti’, Felder 1901, xxxV. 97 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN are the ones found most often, as just mentioned. In order to be concise, the present overview focuses on the two- to four-syllable words and their two- to four-note melismas. For a number of reasons the setting of monosyllables is not specifically studied here.18 Among the two- to four-syllable words five syllable-positions can be distinguished (Table 3), labelled as follows: Table 4. Stephanus antiphons, 3p-word-class 3p-words: 36 (= 100%) ‘ii’: ‘i’: ‘a’: ‘y’: ‘z’: the first syllable of 4p words the syllable immediately before the accent the accent-syllable (called ‘accent’) the syllable immediately after the accent (this is the final syllable of 2p-, 3p- and 4p-syllable words) the final syllable of proparoxytona (3pp, 4pp words) Table 3. Syllable positions ii i a y 2p x* X x 3p x X x x X x 3pp x* X x x 4pp x X x x 4p x z 2p and 3pp words start with an accented syllable. So in the present context these words are not really comparable with the 3p, 4p, and 4pp words, which all start with an unaccented syllable. I therefore also took into account the n-values of those syllables that precede 2p and 3pp words. These are final syllables of the preceding polysyllabic or monosyllabic words. This is indicated with an asterisk in the i-column of Table 3 (and the other tables). For each word-class of the antiphon repertories, I recorded how often melismas were found on the various syllable-positions. These numbers were added, and set in relation to the total of words (100%) in the various word-classes. This procedure makes it possible to see on which syllable-positions of a given wordclass most melismas are placed (in relation to the total number of words in that class). As an example, Table 4 shows the frequencies for the two- to four-note melismas of the 3p-word-class from the Stephanus antiphons. 18. A detailed treatment of monosyllables would require a differentiation between accented and non-accented monosyllables, and whether/how they are treated musically, questions which require a high degree of ‘subjective’ interpretatory consideration. The intricate character of the problem of monosyllables becomes most evident in a comparison of the remarks about monosyllables in Mocquereau 1927, 123-124, and the passages about ‘noms proclitiques et enclitiques’ in Norberg 1958, 20-22 as well as the ‘lusus monosyllabarum’ in Norberg 1985, 54-60. 98 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES number of melismas with… syllable 2 notes 3 notes 4 notes sum / 36 x 100 i (36) 8 6 4 50% a (36) 14 2 6 62% y (36) 5 2 2 26% 5.3. Melismatic categories The preferences of the six antiphon repertories for placing lower and/or higher melismatic frequencies on the syllables can be expressed by combining the syllable letters ii, i, a, y, and z with the symbols <, >, and = in order to indicate whether the melismatic frequency increases or decreases between these syllables.19 In the following I will call the emerging series of preferences ‘melismatic categories’. These melismatic categories can be described as follows: Category A1 (2p- and 3p-words): the category shows a (slight) increase of the melismatic frequency from the i-syllable towards the accent, followed by a decrease towards the y-syllable. Formula: ‘i ≤ a ≥ y’. Category B1 (4p-words): this category can be understood as a variant of the A1 category, which is used for the longer 4p-words. Again, the frequency of melismas increases towards the accent, and decreases towards the y-syllable. Formula: ‘ii < i < a > y’. Category B2 (4p-words): as in category B1, we see an initial increase of melismatic frequency after the ii-syllable, and a decrease after the accent. But here i- and a-syllables share the same melismatic frequency. Formula: ‘ii < i = a > y’. Categories C1, C2 (3pp- and 4pp-words): in these categories an increase of melismatic frequency towards the y-syllable can be observed. This is the most characteristic difference of this category compared to the categories A and B. After the y-syllable there follows the usual decrease towards the z-syllable. The relationships in these categories between the melismatic frequencies on the i- and the a-syllable vary, they can increase (C1), or decrease (C2). Formula: ‘i ≤ (or ≥) a < y > z’. All these categories show a characteristic decrease of melismatic frequency between the final syllable of the word, and the syllable preceding it. The frequencies for the final syllable (‘z’) in proparoxytona are particularly low. 19. In the following tables, the symbols ≤ and ≥ are used to indicate differences < 10 %. 99 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN 5.4. Melismatic texture-profiles Seen in combination, the choices of these categories in the specific word-classes can be read as an indication of the specific profile of the melismatic texture of each antiphon repertory.20 The antiphon repertories for Stephanus, Carolus, Ludgerus, and Elisabeth all use the categories A1, C1, and C2 and can therefore be understood as one group. In addition, Stephanus, Elisabeth and Carolus share category B1. Table 8. Elisabeth, melismatic texture-profile Table 5. Stephanus, melismatic texture-profile ii i/i* a y z (124) 38* < 56 > 37 A1 i < a > y 3p (36) 50 ≤ 58 > 25 A1 i ≤ a > y 4p (43) 51 < 67 > 33 B1 ii < i < a > y 3pp (60) 48* ≤ 53 < 63 > 27 C1 i ≤ a < y > z 4pp (39) 56 = 56 < 77 > 10 C2 i = a < y > z z category Table 6. Carolus, melismatic texture-profile ii i/i* a y ii A1 i < a ≥ y 3p (43) 49 < 70 > 40 A1 i < a > y 4p (17) 65 < 71 > 47 B1 ii < i < a > y 3pp (86) 43* ≤ 54 < 78 > 7 C1 i < a < y > z 4pp (27) 56 > 44 < 85 > 7 C2 i > a < y > z 3p (75) 43 < 53 > 29 A1 i < a > y 4p (20) 35 < 70 > 20 B1 ii < i < a > y 3pp (54) 28 ≤ 35 < 57 > 24 C1 i < a < y > z 2p 4pp (33) 52 > 24 < 70 > 24 C2 i > a < y > z Table 7. Ludgerus, melismatic texture-profile Table 9. Sebastian, melismatic texture-profile ii i/i* a y (80) 31* ≤ 36 > 20 A1 i ≤ a > y 3p (37) 30 < 46 > 14 A1 i < a > y 4p (30) 27 < 43 > 7 B1 ii < i < a > y 3pp (34) 21* ≤ 26 ≤ 35 > 15 C1 i ≤ a ≤ y > z 4pp (24) 29 < 58 > 29 ≥ 21 C3 i < a > y > z 10 < z profile category 2p (94) 38* < 55 ≥ 47 A1 i < a > y 3p (45) 56 < 73 > 24 A1 i < a > y 4p (34) 68 = 68 > 24 B2 ii < i = a > y 3pp (40) 48* < 63 < 78 > 18 C1 i < a < y > z 4pp (25) 68 ≥ 64 < 88 > 8 C2 i ≥ a < y > z 50 < 41 < The Sebastian antiphons participate in the choice of the categories A1, B1 and C1 as well, but here the figures are generally lower. Of course, this has to do with the far more syllabic character of these ancient antiphons which also leads to less distinct contrasts between the melismatic frequencies (see for example 2p, i – a: 31* : 36% only). For the setting of 4pp-words the Sebastian antiphons use category C3: ‘i < a > y > z’. The category is related to category C1 through its increase of melismatic frequency from the i-syllable towards the accent, and the decrease after the y-syllable. The characteristic increase after the accent towards the y-syllable of the categories C1 and C2, is missing, however. A1 i* ≤ a > y z category 33 28 y z 35 ≥ 38 > a y 20* < 32 ≤ i a (88) (110) ii i 2 2p 15 < MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES category 2p 30 < – Compared with the previous repertories, the melismatic categories of the Franciscus antiphons must be regarded as idiosyncratic. For the 2p-words category A2 is used, ‘i ≥ a ≤ y’, which looks almost like the opposite of the A1-category – or at least a rather undifferentiated way of melismatic setting: the differences between the percentages are rather small (only 4% difference between the ‘i-’ and the ‘a’-syllable-values). 20. In the following tables, the ratios are given as percentages. However, the first column shows, after the information about the word-class, the actual number of words in each word-class in parentheses. 100 101 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN Table 10. Franciscus, melismatic texture-profile choice of t-patterns in the six antiphon repertories?” – “Is the accent particularly reflected in the choice of t-patterns?” i a y 2p (151) ii 32* ≥ 28 ≤ 35 A2 i ≥ a ≤ y 3p (69) 51 > 41 > 23 A3 i > a > y 4p (20) 25 < z MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES profile 60 > 15 ≤ 20 3pp (104) 47* > 38 > 29 > 19 C3 i > a > y > z 4pp (39) 44 ≥ 38 ≥ 33 > 18 C3 i > a ≥ y > z B3 ii < i > a ≤ y The Franciscus antiphons also show their own choice of melismatic categories for the 3p- and 4p- as well as the 3pp- and 4pp-words. Category A3 (3p-words): ‘i > a > y’. Here, the i-syllables receive the highest melismatic frequency, then comes the characteristic decrease, already seen in the A1-profile. Category B3 (4p-words), ‘ii < i > a ≤ y’, resembles category A2 in placing its higher melismatic frequencies on the unaccented syllables around the accent (‘i’ and ‘y’). Note the remarkable increase towards the i-syllable (25 < 60%). – Category C3 (3pp- and 4pp-words) ‘i > a ≥ y > z’. In this category the highest melismatic values are placed on the syllable before the accent and decrease afterwards. The category therefore looks like a prolonged version of the A3-category. 5.5. Placement of melismas: summary “Can we observe certain syllables that particularly ‘attract’ melismas and others that do not?” In the repertories studied here, melismas can in principle be placed on all syllables, but all repertories show a distinct decrease of melismatic frequency towards the final syllables of the words (‘y’, ‘z’). In the A1-, B1- and B2-categories, two-syllable words, and three- and four-syllable-paroxytona were set with a general increase of melismatic frequency towards the accent, and a decrease afterwards. This might be an argument for a general observation of the accent. In the C1-and C2-categories (visible in the three- and four-syllable proparoxytona in some repertories), however, we find a characteristic increase of melismatic frequency towards the syllable after the accent (‘y’). Extrapolating from this evidence, one could even hypothesize that the foremost rule of placing melismas on a word is to ensure that a melisma is attached to the penultimate syllable of the word – no matter whether this syllable is accented or not – and, at the same time, to ensure that no melisma is placed on the ultimate syllable. 6. Texture patterns The previous inquiry focussed on the distribution of melismas on the various syllable-positions. The present section describes, more specifically, the actual choice of t-patterns found in the six antiphon repertories. The pertinent questions are: “Can we identify characteristic tendencies or predilections in the 102 – 6.1. T-pattern-categories The t-patterns were classified according to the relationship of the n-values placed on the accent (‘a’), and to those on the other syllables of the word (‘ii’, ‘i’, ‘y’ and ‘z’). In the following I want to introduce the reader to only the most frequently encountered categories (2p, 3p/pp, 4p/pp words only). At the same time, I give concrete t-pattern examples for each category. These examples were selected on the basis of two criteria: they have a frequency ≥ 10% and can be found in several repertories.21 (See Tables 11-23.) Category ‘E’ (Table 11). In this category, all syllables of the word have identical n-values. The t-patterns most often used are all based on simple syllabic tonerepetitions, which are frequent in Eli, Fra and especially Seb, whereas Lud is characteristically abstinent. Repetitions of larger identical n-values (for example 2 2 2…) are infrequent. Table 11. T-patterns, E-category word-class Car Eli 2p 20 36 3p 19 3pp 23= 4p 15 4pp 12 = = Fra = 12 ≤ Lud 28 = Ste frequent t-pattern 31 17 1* 1 1 = = 19 41 13= 40= 1* 1 1 1 = 37 1111 = 17 1111 = 111 = ≤ 15 = Seb = Category ‘A’ (Table 12). In this category, the largest n-value is placed on the accent. We find a great variety of t-patterns in this category. Those with ‘2 1’-ending are most frequent. Table 12. T-patterns, A-category word-class Car Eli Fra 2p 12 ≤ 3p 3pp Seb 12 14 1* 2 1 14 121 17≤ 1121 ≤ 12 ≤ 15 4p 4pp Lud 11 ≤ Ste frequent t-pattern 10 1* 3 2 1 16 232 ≤ 21. See in the following tables the superscript signs: ‘=’: frequency of the t-pattern is 90-100% of the overall value given in the tables below. ‘≤’: frequency of the t-pattern is 50-90% of the overall value. 103 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN Category ‘B’ (Table 13). In this category, the largest n-value is placed on the syllable before the accent. The category is especially connected to 3p- and 4p-words, whereas 2p-, 3pp- and 4pp-words have only medium and lower frequencies.22 Preeminent examples of the preference of the B-category for 3pand 4p-words are Lud and Fra, which have low frequencies among the 2p-, 3pp, and 4pp-words, and contrasting high values on the 3p- and 4p-words (see the figures in the Tables 20 and 23 below). Table 15. T-patterns, S-category Car 2p 11≤ Eli Fra Lud Seb Ste 13≤ 3p 16 3pp 20 4p 14≤ 13 1211 Table 14. T-patterns, F-category 4pp Fra 11≤ 2p 3pp Eli 13≤ 11≤ Lud 10≤ Seb Ste frequent t-pattern 1* 1 2 13≤ 1* 1 2 1 11 1121 ≤ Category ‘S’ (Table 15). In this category the n-values on the syllables surrounding the accent are larger than those on the accent. Frequencies > 10% are in this category only reached in the 3pp- and 4pp-words. (This is of course related to the general reduction of melismas on the final syllable discussed above). 22. This stems most probably from the fact that 2p- and 3pp-words have their accent on the first syllable. The preceding syllable is thus the final syllable of the preceeding word, which, as already mentioned, receives melismas much less often. 104 Seb 10 15≤ Ste frequent t-pattern 10 2* 1 2 1 ≤ 22≤ 16≤ 2121 word-class Car Fra Lud 14= 3p 4p Eli Seb Ste frequent t-pattern 221 11= 10 1221 ≤ 2111 13≤ Car Lud Table 16. T-patterns, Eb-category Category ‘F’ (Table 14). In this category, the largest n-value of the word is placed on the syllable which follows the accent. The F-category shows a large variety of various patterns with low frequency (< 10% in the word-classes). Note therefore the repeated choice of this pattern with frequency >10% in the Elisabeth antiphons. word-class Fra ≤ 3pp 4pp Eli 2* 1 1 2* 1 1 1 4pp Car frequent t-pattern 211 ≤ MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES Category ‘Eb’ (Table 16). In the ‘Eb’-category, the n-value on the accent and on the syllable preceding it are equal. The category is mainly connected with 3- and 4-syllable paroxytona – and practically always with the patterns ‘2 2 1’ or ‘1 2 2 1’. Table 13. T-patterns, B-category word-class word-class – Category ‘Ef’ (Table 17). In this category equal n-values lie on the accent and the following syllable. We find this category mainly in 3pp- and 4pp-words. The Elisabeth repertory shows this category in the 2p-words as well. Table 17. T-patterns, Ef-category word-class Car Eli Fra 3p 12= 3pp 20 4pp 15 = = Lud Seb Ste frequent t-pattern 122 10 1* 2 2 1 ≤ 13 = 1221 6.2. T-pattern-categories: profiles Seen in combination, the choices of the t-pattern-categories can be read as an indication of the specific texture-profile of each antiphon repertory. The following tables therefore present the categories just discussed above, in descending order according to their frequency (see the scale in the first columns. Actual percentages are given in superscript font after the respective category-letter). Sebastianus (Table 18). The ancient syllabic style of Seb clearly comes to the fore with high and highest percentages in the E-category (which is most often connected to syllabic settings, see above Table 11). However, among the 4pp-words this frequency is drastically reduced. In the remaining antiphon 105 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN repertories the disappearance of the E-category in the longer words is even more obvious (see below). The Sebastian antiphons use the A-category very consistently, but at a medium-low frequency-level (17 to 29%). The B-category is less prominent in the Sebastian antiphons (11 - 21%). The other categories are rarely used. Table 20. Ludgerus, t-pattern-profile Table 18. Sebastianus, t-pattern-profile > 20-30 % 2p > 40-50 > 30-40 E32 > 20-30 A24 B21 > 10-20 < 10 Eb2 Ef7 F7 S2 3p 3pp E43 E40 4p A22 A27 A29 B21 B11 Eb14 A17 B11 F11 B17 E17 Ef13 Ef3 F8 S– Eb3 Ef6 S3 Eb7 Ef7 F– S– Eb4 F– S4 2p 3p 3pp 4p 4pp A A A B28 S20 A26 A28 > 40-50 > 30-40 > 20-30 31 3p 3pp 4p 4pp > 30-40 A36 B38 A33 B35 A32 A21 Ef16 S20 A27 > 10-20 B11 Eb10 F19 F13 Ef13 F10 S15 < 10 E8 Ef5 S6 E4 Eb9 Ef4 S4 B8 E– Eb8 E– Eb9 Ef9 F3 S– B8 E– Eb8 F8 Carolus (Table 21). The Carolus antiphons show strong contrasts in their choices of the categories: the A-category is the preferred choice in the 2p- and 3p-words, and especially in the 4p-words. This category is however clearly less important for the 3pp-words and it is almost completely neglected in the setting of 4ppwords. The E- and B-categories are more prominent in the Carolus repertory than in Ste and Lud. Table 21. Carolus, t-pattern-profile % 2p 3p 3pp 4p A > 40-50 4pp 40 > 30-40 A31 > 20-30 B20 E21 A28 B20 E20 E23 E20 B21 S24 > 10-20 F16 F13 A15 B16 F16 B10 Eb15 F10 E12 F15 < 10 Eb2 Ef3 S4 Eb7 Ef5 S7 Eb– Ef7 S4 Ef– S– Eb– Ef6 A6 32 > 10-20 E19 F12 E11 Eb11 B11 F11 Eb12 B16 B18 S13 < 10 B9 Eb7 Ef6 S7 Ef6 F8 S6 Eb3 Ef7 E3 Ef9 E5 F9 S7 E8 Eb– Ef8 F10 Ludgerus (Table 20). The profile of the Ludgerus antiphons resembles that of the Stephanus repertory in its regular preference of the A-category in the word-groups. However, in the 3p- and 4p-words this is exceeded by the higher frequencies in the B-category. The remaining categories do not receive percentages > 20%. Lud is, as mentioned, notable for its almost complete rejection of the E-category. The other repertories show this category at least to some extent. 106 2p E37 Table 19. Stephanus, t-pattern-profile 32 MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES > 40-50 4pp Stephanus (Table 19). The Stephanus antiphons are characterized by a consistently higher interest in the A-category (28-32%). Because of the more melismatic style of the Ste antiphons, the E-category is clearly less present than in Seb. In Stephanus, the B- and S-categories are not consistently used in all word-classes. In the 3p- and 3pp-words they reach however 28 / 20%. % % – Elisabeth (Table 22). The profile of the Elisabeth antiphons resembles that of the Sebastian antiphons in its use of the A-category at a comparatively low level (13-19%) – with the notable exception of a 30% top value in the 3p-words. Exceptionally, other categories come up (see 2p-words E-category, 4ppwords S- and F-categories). The frequent juxtaposition of several categories at approximately the same frequency-level (10-20%) in practically all wordclasses is characteristic of Eli. Furthermore, the Elisabeth profile is special because of its repeated employment of the categories Eb and Ef at relatively high levels. In combination with the usually medium percentages for the Aand B-categories and the occasional emphasis on the E- and the S-categories (2p, 4pp), this determines the ‘diffuse’ (or highly variegated) texture of the Elisabeth antiphons. 107 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN Table 22. Elisabeth, t-pattern-profile As a result of the first inquiry I characterized the melismatic behaviour of the Franciscus antiphons as idiosyncratic (see section 5.4. above). The study of its t-patterns confirms this characterization because of the distinct choice of B-patterns and the repeated juxtaposition of the other categories (which is related to the behaviour of Eli). The tendency to choose several t-patterncategories with almost the same frequency is the most characteristic feature of Fra and Eli. It is less pronounced in Car. % 2p 3p E37 A30 3pp 4p 4pp > 40-50 > 30-40 S30 Ef22 > 20-30 F22 > 10-20 A13 F17 B14 E19 Eb14 Ef12 A16 F18 S14 A18 B18 Eb12 F12 A19 Ef15 < 10 B7 Eb6 Ef7 S3 F2 S9 B8 E5 Eb1 E6 Ef6 S6 Eb7 B4 E4 Franciscus (Table 23). In comparison to the other repertories the Franciscus antiphons display a nearly reversed attitude towards the B-category that dominates most of the word-classes (exception: 2p-words). Higher frequencies are occasionally attained by the F- (2p 20%), and A-categories (3pp 21%). For the remaining categories the frequencies are, like Elisabeth, rather low (< 20%). Table 23. Franciscus, t-pattern-profile % 2p 3p 3pp 4p 4pp B45 > 40-50 B32 > 30-40 > 20-30 E29 F20 A23 A21 B24 B23 > 10-20 A16 B16 E19 E13 A10 F10 A18 E15 F13 < 10 Eb3 Ef4 S4 Eb7 Ef6 F9 S4 Eb6 Ef5 F9 S8 E5 Eb– Ef– S– Eb5 Ef– S8 6.3. Texture-patterns: summary The t-category-profiles just discussed can be used to differentiate the results of the melismatic inquiry (see above, 5.). The Sebastian repertory still clearly stands apart due to its predilection for the E-category, and its generally low melismatic frequencies. Lud, Ste and Car still belong together in their usual focus on the accent (A-category). In these three repertories, therefore, not only is the choice to set syllables melismatically more pronounced, but the accent also receives the longest note-value of the word more often. There are differences in these repertories regarding the occasional favouring of the E- and B-patterns (Lud, Car against Ste). Eli shares the same melismatic profile with the previous repertories, but its choice of t-patterns is characterized by a much lower predilection for exposed t-pattern-categories. 108 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 7. Results The differences shown in the first inquiry (5.) indicated that generalizations about the relationship between accent and melismatic setting are not appropriate. Various word-classes seem to attract various ways of treatment. Bisyllables, 3pand 4p-words had a repeated predilection for the melismatic categories A1 and B1 (increase of melismatic frequency on the accent), 3pp- and 4pp-words were repeatedly set using the melismatic categories C1/2 (increase of melismatic frequency on the syllable following the accent). The study of the t-patterns and their categories (6.) showed some constants. Parallel to the increase of the wordlength, we observe in all repertories a pronounced decrease of interest in the E-category (equal n-values on all syllables). Less universal, but still remarkable, are other parallels concerning the setting of word-classes: In Eli, Car, and Lud the interest in the S-t-pattern-category increases distinctly in the 4pp-words (3pp-words in Ste). Lud and Fra show a predilection for the B-t-pattern-category in the 3p- and 4p-words, against other patterns in the remaining word-classes. Both inquiries (5., 6.) seem to indicate a compositional treatment of words which does not reflect alternating accentual poetic schemes (especially relevant in Eli and Fra). If that had been the case, the melismatic frequency on the end-syllables ‘y’ and ‘z’ in words with three and more syllables would have been much higher. T-patterns with peaks of melismatic frequency on the accent and a following but non-adjacent syllable in these longer words – which would correspond to a main accent and a later secondary accent – are vanishingly rare. The melismatic- and t-pattern-profiles of Car, Lud and Ste do not indicate a verse-feet-orientated setting (see, for example, the presence of the melismatic categories C1 and C2, and the regular presence of the E-t-pattern-category). Neither can the inquiries be read as irrefutable proof for a general observation of the accent (see the summary 5.5.). There is, however, a remarkably pronounced habit of concluding a word with a single note on the last syllable in all repertories, which confirms Jammers’ remarks about the exposed position of single words, mentioned above (2.). Texture can be understood as a conglomerate of many conscious or intuitive compositional choices. The sum of these choices can be expressed as profiles which project particular selections of the melismatic categories and the t-pattern-categories. Similarities between repertories emerge when larger 109 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN numbers of choices lead to comparable profiles. My approach shows not only the similarities between the texture of Lud, Ste, and Car (as one would expect due to their historical proximity and melodic style) but also the differences between Fra and Eli. Initially this was unexpected, since at first glance these two repertories look stylistically alike in their melodic behaviour and historical position. The inquiries show very clearly the specific behaviour of the ancient antiphons of the Sebastian repertory. column ‘TPC’: A, B, F, and S). Thus T-patterns can be used to identify melodic segments only in a limited sense. One could, of course, ask whether we can really speak about one and the same melodic ‘formula’ if it is applied to the text-structure in so many different ways, and this might easily lead to a further somewhat exaggerated question: “What is more important for our musical perception: the melody purely as melody, or its fusion with the linguistic structure of the words?” I should like to follow this thought for a short while by discussing another example which shows the t-patterns as markers of correspondences which occur between melodic elements of divergent interval structure. I exemplify this by reference to those cadences from the Elisabeth repertory which fall in the t-pattern-category ‘B’ (a smaller group only, see Table 25). 8. Texture-patterns and melody It is not my intention here to go into the question of correspondence between t-patterns and melodic formulae, since a discussion of this relationship would certainly require a longer study of its own. It should not, however, go unmentioned that the t-patterns naturally have a melodic significance. The probability of finding identical melodic elements under the same t-pattern rises, simply due to the fact that identical melodic elements must share the same t-pattern, a fact which has some relevance for IT-based searching for formulae. On the other hand, the t-patterns do not, of course, mark melodic formulae unequivocally. As an example I give here an overview of the appearance of a classic subtonal ending in the Carolus repertory. (See Table 24.) This endingformula involves (most often) the tones A or C or D as start-element, followed by the pes CD and one or more repetitions of D. – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES Table 25. Cadences of the B-pattern-category in Eli no. place word WC syllables / t-pattern ii melodic element i a y z ii i a y 1 Ma9 laudis 2p 2* 1 1 DE D C 2 La2 dei 2p 3* 2 1 FED CD D 3 Ma4 deiecta 3p 2 1 1 GF E E 4 Ma4 abiecta. 3p 3 1 1 FEF E E z 5 1Va2 facies 3pp 3* 2 2 1 GFE DE DC C Table 24. Subtonal ending and t-patterns (Car) 6 Ma1 tenere 3pp 2* 1 1 1 FE D C D Nr. Place Word WC 7 Ma2 opera 3pp 2* 1 1 1 FF D C D 1 1Va1 vite. 2p 8 Ma9 vidue. 3pp 2* 1 1 1 FE D D D 2 1Va2 sublimatur 4p 9 Ma5 media. 3pp 3* 1 1 1 GaG F F F 3 1Va1 natus 10 1Vam moribus 3pp 3* 2 2 1 DCF Ga GF F Ma1 11 2Vam spiritalem 4p 1 3 2 1 e dcb dd 4 c 12 Ma8 universis. 4p 2 2 1 1 FE FG G G 5 ii i a y 1* 2 1 A 1 2 1 A 2p 3* 2 1 aquarum 3p 2 1 Ma1 odorem. 3p 2 6 Ma9 adorat 3p 7 La1 fortitudine 5pp 8 La1 gloria. 3pp 1 1 z TPC ii i a y D CD D A CD D B FED CD D 1 B CD D D 1 1 B CD D D 2 1 1 B CD D D 1 1 2 1 F A C CD D 2 1 2 1 S FG D CD D C C z Abbreviations: WC = word class, TPC = t-pattern-categories The pes can appear on the accent (cadences 1, 2, 3), before the accent (cadences 4, 5, 6), and after the accent (cadences 7 and 8). From the perspective of t-patterns, the melodic segment thus falls into four t-pattern-categories (see 110 A hypothetical search focusing on identical t-patterns would in this case only lead to (nearly) identical melodic elements in the case of the subtonal endings nos. 6 and 7. But other correspondences also become visible. Cadence no. 8 shares with nos. 6 and 7 the same word-class, t-pattern and final note. In its reliance on tone-repetition, however, no. 8 is also, if not more, related to cadence no. 9, which, however, ends on F, not on D as in no. 8. The cadences nos. 5 and 10 are a comparable case. They do not share the same position in the modal scale, but are related to each other through both their word-class and t-pattern, and their melodic contour. 111 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN Nos. 3 and 4, which share the same final note E and the same falling melodic contour, have nearly identical t-patterns.23 The fact that these t-patterns come from the same antiphon (Elisabeth, M-A4, Defuncto lantgravio) gives an opportunity to study the interesting interaction between complete and less complete simultaneity of the involved musico-linguistic elements – word-class, rhyme, t-pattern, melodic contour, and diastematic position – in the modal scale. At the same time, however, note the correspondences between the settings of the two half-sentences, the product mainly of the interplay between melodic contour and the t-patterns. We observe a parallelism between the upwardsendings of phrase 1 and 4, and we notice the similarity between the downward endings of phrases 2 and 5, which is enhanced by the choice of the same t-pattern. I want to conclude this first study with an excerpt from the second antiphon of First Vespers in the St Elisabeth historia, Iam noua progenies. The antiphon ends with the corresponding verses ‘térris móritur / célis óritur’. Table 26. Elisabeth, M-A4 (after Haggh, Two Offices for St Elizabeth [Historiae 1], 10) phrase 1 phrase 2 FF D CD D 2121 2 Defuncto lantgrauio pro celesti phrase 4 122 2 111 per timoris GF E E 221 111 211 brauio uidua deiecta, phrase 5 FE DF F 221 11 221 spiritum uilem sumit habitum FGF E E 11 2 pauper et 311 F GF G a GF F ED C A CD D 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 tur CE- lis O- ri- tur (egregi)-um TER- ris MO- ri- 2p 3pp 2p 3pp abiecta. The two half-sentences of the text (phrases 1-3, 4-6 in Table 26) are subdivided by rhyme-words into three smaller segments each. But linguistic rhyme is only transferred into musical rhyme at the end of the half-sentences (phr. 3 and 6). Only here do we meet full (closed) cadences, connected to the rhyming 3p-words ‘deiecta’ and ‘abiecta’. In other words, only here do we find full simultaneity of all parameters: word-class (3p), t-pattern (B), melodic contour, and positioning in the scale. This exceptionally full simultaneity underlines the musico-syntactical function of these situations. The other rhymes (phr. 1-2, ‘lantgrauio - brauio’; phr. 4-5 ‘spiritum - habitum’) are taken over into music only partially or not at all. In these instances we hear instead open endings which are steered in opposite directions (endings phr. 1-2 down - up; endings phr. 4-5, up - down). Thus in these instances, we observe only a partial correspondance of the mentioned parameters (here word-class, rhyme, partially also the same t-patterns). The result is structural instability, and the generation of musical dynamics. This produces an overreaching arch of tension, which, together with the clear ending gestures just mentioned, underlines the structural logic of this antiphon. 23. The t-pattern of no. 11 could be understood as related to that of no. 2. A diastematic similarity is however absent. Compare also nos. 1 and 3 which share similar t-patterns, but only approximately the same melodic contour. 112 Table 27. A. Iam nova progenies (Eli) (excerpt, after Haggh, Elizabeth, 1) phrase 6 DE DC C 12 MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES phrase 3 Ga GF F 213 – From the perspective of texture we observe not only the repetition of a succession of the two word-classes 2p-3pp, but also a repetition of two succeeding t-patterns 1(*) 2 1 - 1 2 1. (Note the juxtaposition of the A-patterns 1* 2 1, ‘favouring’ the accent, and the F-patterns 1 2 1, which act ‘against’ it). Melodically, however, the two phrases are set in a diametrically opposite fashion, the first phrase ending with an open, the second with a closed ending. An analysis which focuses exclusively on melodic shape is not able to show the interaction of repeated, stable elements (verse, and t-patterns) and their variable melodic clothing. Of course, the appreciation of the impact of the t-patterns on the musical essence and practical realization in this and other examples depends on the standpoint of the modern interpreter.24 But I wonder, nevertheless, whether the t-patterns – besides their possible significance for the analysis of the stylistic ‘profile’ of the chant repertories, discussed above – might not deserve increased analytical attention – as ‘protorhythmic’ features which quite possibly contribute to the inner dynamics of the chants. 24. From the perspective of modern semiological performance practice, for example, which regards the text and its constitutents as an aesthetic natural law, my neutral attitude may therefore seem overcautious. It should not be forgotten, however, that the axiomatic position given to the text and its linguistic structure in publications such as Agustoni and Göschl 1987, 21ff., and 97ff. is based on hypotheses. 113 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN II – Study II. Semantics and its articulation in saints’ offices Likewise, in the New Testament, according to the apostle Peter, perfect faith in Christ results in indescribable joy.32 To the ‘good servants’ of the Lord, joys are promised as a reward.33 Saints are therefore most happy humans: as ideal embodiments of Christian virtues and conduct and in their triumph over the temporal world, they are particularly deserving of this reward.34 After death they enter God’s ideal city, the perfect heavenly Jerusalem, a place of sheer glory and splendour. 35 Here they behold God’s face and dwell in eternal beatitude.36 The saints rejoice in a cosmic liturgy as crowned members of God’s heavenly court37 and special guests at the joyful wedding of Christ and his bride, the Church triumphant.38 These biblical images of joy characterize the medieval liturgical cult in honour of the saints, and consequently many of its chants, but especially those of the Divine Office. This is partly due to the fact that the office hours opened up a much larger opportunity for the communal meditative remembrance of the saints than the Mass with its christocentric character. Since this is a study about the musical representation of ideas, I will discuss my examples according to linguistic-thematic rather than musical criteria. It seemed most convenient to divide the relevant material into two thematic branches: the first focusses on joyful aspects of the saints themselves (see 2.); the second branch thematizes the joy which characterizes the relationship between the saint, God and the celebrating community (see 3). The role of saints’ offices as central communicative elements in the context of the cult of saints becomes especially manifest in their texts, which touch upon a remarkably broad range of related themes and subjects. In the story and characterization of the saint they represent ideal values and central human experiences, address themes of political relevance and – not least – the intense mutual relationship between saint and venerating community. These aspects of saints’ cults have long been acknowledged by various disciplines: philology, history, musicology.25 The question how these themes were articulated in the music of saints’ offices has, however, only rarely been addressed. This reluctance seems to have its roots in the deep methodological controversy about whether or not the music of plainchant is able to express meaning.26 In my second study I examine the methodological plausibility of a series of analyses which argue in favour of expressive gestures and/or structures.27 For this purpose, chants that seemed appropriate for this relatively short overview have been selected from various layers of the medieval European office repertoire (eleventh to fifteenth century).28 These chants focus on the musical representation of only one – but certainly not the least important – of the semantic topics addressed in saints’offices: the topic of joy. 1. Joy as theme in saints’ offices The joy we encounter in the biblical books is very often eschatological joy.29 Utter joy is promised when God gathers mankind before Him at the end of time. Then He will establish His reign, a kingdom illuminated by eternal light. 30 While still on earth, and in history, human joy has its source in God. Joy is in fact an indicator of the closeness between God and man: the Old Testament ‘just man’ is described as glad in his faith in the Lord and the Lord’s justice. 31 25. Among relevant publications are Gaposchkin 2008, McGrade 1998, and Heinzer 2007. 26. On this see for example Hankeln 2009b, 176-179. 27. In a general sense my approach is similar to the perspective described by Jonsson and Treitler 1983 and the contributions about the text-music relationship by Björkvall and Haug, 1999 and 2000. See also the analysis of the Introit Ad te levavi in Rankin 1994, 281-286. 28. Most office cycles are transmitted anonymously and must be dated tentatively according to the evidence of their manuscript transmission. See the information provided for each example below. 29. All English Bible quotations in the following are taken from the King James Bible: <http://www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/> (accessed 22.07.2017). Quotations from the Latin Vulgate edition are taken from <http://www.drbo.org/lvb/chapter/20031.htm> (accessed 22.07.2017). A useful overview of the topic of biblical joy is given in Du Toit et al. 1983. See also Paus et al. 1996, also Müller 1995 and Kehl 1993. – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 32. 1 Peter 1:7-8: “[7] That the trial of your faith […] might be found unto praise and honour and glory at the appearing of Jesus Christ: [8] Whom having not seen, ye love; in whom, though now ye see him not, yet believing, ye rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of glory”. 33. Matthew 25:21: “His lord said unto him, Well done, thou good and faithful servant [‘Euge, serve bone’]: thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things: enter thou into the joy of thy lord”. Office chants on the text Euge serve bone were often part of the Common of Confessors, see Cantus ID 002732, 006677 at: <http://cantusdatabase.org/>. 34. Revelation 3:12: “Him that overcometh will I make a pillar in the temple of my God […]”. 35. Revelation 21:2, 27: “[2] And I John saw the holy city, new Jerusalem […] [27]: And there shall in no wise enter into it any thing that defileth […] but they which are written in the Lamb’s book of life”. – Revelation 22:23: “[23] And the city had no need of the sun, neither of the moon, to shine in it: for the glory of God did lighten it, and the Lamb is the light thereof”. 36. Matthew 5:8: “Blessed are the pure in heart: for they shall see God.” See also Revelation 22:3-4. 30. Isaiah 60:20: “Thy sun shall no more go down; neither shall thy moon withdraw itself: for the LORD shall be thine everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended”. 37. Revelation 8:3: “And another angel came […]; and there was given unto him much incense, that he should offer it with the prayers of all saints upon the golden altar which was before the throne”. Hebrews 12:22-23: “[22] But ye are come […] [23] To the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect […]”. 31. Ps 97 (lat. 96):12: “Rejoice in the LORD, ye righteous […]’ – Ps 89 (lat. 88):17: “In thy name shall they rejoice all the day […]”. 38. Revelation 19:9: “[9] And he saith unto me, Write, Blessed are they which are called unto the marriage supper of the Lamb”. See the image of the eschatological feast in the Old Testament in Isaiah 25:6-8. 114 115 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN 2. Saints and joy I start with the musical ‘reading’ of phrases 5 and 6 which set the text: “[5] when he [Romanus] gave his soul back to him [God], [6] he entered heaven with joy”. The sentence gains force by being so condensed, presenting two opposed ideas – death and joy – in close juxtaposition and in a consequential (and therefore almost paradoxical) relationship. This is transformed into a musical ‘conditionconsequence’ or ‘question-answer’ phrase-design. The arrival into heavenly joy in phrase 6 is musically connected with the relaxation of melodic tension in a balanced, arch-like melodic contour, situated in the lower ambitus leading to the subtonal ending on the finalis D. Death, on the other hand, is connected in phrase 5 with the dynamic rising incipit-formula D-aba, and the lack of a return to the finalis-level: phrase 5 ends with an ‘open’, confinalis-cadence on a. The preceding phrases 3 and 4 also show the design of open and closed endings, encountered in phrases 5 and 6. We hear the fifth-incipit-formula at the start, but the contrast between the phrase-contours and their endings is much less pronounced than in phrases 5 and 6 –phrases 3 and 4 both start and end in the level around the final. This design corresponds to the character of the connected sentence which offers related ideas, no statements of contrasting character: “[3] he fortified himself with the protection of the cross, [4] committing himself to the Lord […]”. Both phrase-pairs 3-4, 5-6 begin, as mentioned, with the incipit formula D-aba. We hear this formula for the third time at the start of the repetendum section, phrase 7. But now phrase 7 goes beyond phrases 3 and 5, crossing the limit of the lower ambitus level and leading to the climax of the piece in phrase 8. Here, the final’s upper octave d is reached on the accent of “sancTOrum”, thereby highlighting the saintly host. Its tone of joyful, exultant congratulation forms the climax, and, leading downwards from there to the final, the linguistic and musical goal of the chant. A related thematic view, and related musical procedures, can be found in the following chant, the seventh responsory from the office in honour of St Gorgonius (authentic G-mode, Example 2 p. 118).42 Its text again employs condensed, almost paradoxical formulations. Confronted with the cruellest of torments the saint rejoices, looking forward to his imminent transition to heaven upon his death. Most relevant to our context is the start of the responsory (phrases 1-4). In phrase 1 the chant begins with the anticipation of joy, not with the torments of phrase 2 – which would have been possible linguistically: “Inter tormenta positus : gaudebat Christi famulus”. Because of its position at the very start of the chant, the verb “gaudebat” creates a first thematic accent. Of course, the 2.1. Heavenly joy At the end of their earthly life saints enter into the joys of heaven. Several offices take up this theme, for example by describing the excitement of the heavenly citizens (angels, other saints) over the arrival of the saint after his/her death.39 As representative of this theme, I cite the responsory Beatus Romanus (authentic D-mode) for bishop Romanus of Rouen (Example 1).40 Example 1 [1] When blessed Romanus [2] was going to leave this world [3] he fortified himself with the protection of the cross, [4] committing himself to the Lord; [5] when he gave his soul back to him [God], [6] he entered heaven with joy; [7] in his transition [8] the choir of the saints exults, [9] and the host of heavenly citizens [10] congratulates.41 39. The examples which now follow may be compared with the formulaic settings of this theme from the older chant repertory: Beatus Vincentius (antiphon for St Vincent, Cantus ID 001672) and Beatus es tu (for St Sebastian, Cantus ID 001623 antiphon, 006203 responsory). 40. Transcribed from Rouen 252, fol. 258v. The chant is not listed in the Cantus database. 41. The Verse Immortali is not transcribed here. 116 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 42. The Gorgonius office is ascribed to Bruno of Toul, who later became Pope Leo IX (1002-1054). The example is transcribed from D-TRb 95, facs. see Bernard 1980, 145. 117 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN text of phrase 2 constitutes a sharp negative thematic contrast. However, both statements are linguistically and musically presented as connected with one other: verses 1 and 2 have the same rhyme, number of syllables, and share nearly the same music. They differ only in the choice of their conclusions, the first leads to F, the second to c. Heard from a musical perspective, the anticipation of joy and the agony of torture share almost the same musical colour. But the open ending of phrase 2 links the torture to the promise of the stars in phrase 3, where the first part of this responsory reaches its climax (“tendens lumina”). Again, such a representation does not conceal suffering and death, but rather integrates them into the prospect of heaven. In this responsory, the three melodic climaxes leading to g exalt a triad of ideas which moves from anticipation to fulfilment. In phrases 3 and 5 (anticipation) the saint “touches the stars” and acclaims “the king of glory” in gratitude. In phrase 6, coinciding with the descent to the final (subtonal) cadence, he thematizes his welcome in the central verb “respicere” (fulfillment). Thus this melody, like the previous one, creates tension by repetition and suspended relaxation, according to the semantic structure of the text. Example 2 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 2.2. Transformation of sorrow into joy Christ’s Sermon on the Mount promises the transformation of sorrow into joy.43 In the offices, as we have already seen, the saints are shown as ‘case studies’ of this transformation. Some chants address this theme explicitly. Here an example from the office of St Dominic (Example 3).44 Example 3 [1] The friend of Christ rejoiced [2] when he was tortured, [3] and reaching out for the lights of heaven [4] he spoke with a free voice: [5] “thanks to you, king of glory, [6] that you make me worthy to be welcomed”. The rising phrase 3 is followed by the descending phrase 4, which functions as introduction to the start of the saint’s direct speech in phrase 5, where he expresses thanks. At the end of it the climax of phrase 3 on high aa, and the following subtonal cadence fgg are repeated. In the repetendum-phrase 6 the characteristic ascent to aa, heard in phrases 3 and 5, is once again repeated on the melisma over “respicere”. But now the subsequent cadence on fgg, heard twice already, is replaced by the leap d-g which is only a remnant of the former caesuras. This is now positioned at the start of the long descent constituting the second part of the repond’s final melisma. 118 [1a] The poor man transcends [1b] to the heavenly throne [2a] the leader to the sceptre, [2b] the winner to the prize [of victory] [3a] death to life, [3b] striving for peace, [4a/b] present sorrow yields to joy. 43. Matthew 5:4: “Blessed are they that mourn: for they shall be comforted”. See also Luke 6:21. Related passages are: John 16:20 and 22; Ps 125:5 (126:5) , Ps 29:12 (Ps 30:11). 44. Transcribed from GB-Lbl Add. 23935, fol. 341v. The office for St Dominic’s main feast is dated ca. 1250, see Hughes LMLO, vol. 1, p. 15. 119 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES A glance at the tonality of this authentic G-mode piece reveals its construction plan: phrases 1a and 2a, ending openly on the co-final d, are followed by phrases 1b and 2b, which conclude on the final G. We expect a continuation of the regular alternation between tonal opening and conclusion established in these phrase-pairs. In the second part of the chant, however, phrases 3a, 3b and 4a all end openly on the co-final and thus suspend the conclusion on the final. The next full cadence does not occur until the very end of the piece, on the word ‘gaudium’ (joy). At the same time we may observe a melodic intensification by stages. The register of the first pair of phrases (1a/b, F-e) is surpassed in the second (2a/b, G-g), which places the first melodic climax on the spiritual enthronement of the saint (“dux ad sceptrum”). The chant’s second part (phrases 3a-4b) starts with a variant of the first climax in phrase 2a when the metamorphosis of death into life is articulated (“mors in vitam”). From this second peak, the second part leads (not without some retardation, see phrase 4a, “cedit”) down to the final full cadence. “Gaudium” is placed at the end of this process, set not as a focal point of melodic dynamic but in a relaxed manner, as a structural (and semantic) goal.45 This impression is strengthened by the prolonging of the last phrase 4b.46 The tonal and melodic structural levels of this chant thus cooperate in creating a concluding effect that subsumes the text’s various statements about the metamorphosis of the physical world under the overarching idea of the transformation of sorrow into joy. St Valeria provides an intense example (Example 4).48 The introductory phrases 1-3 form a separate section ending with the final F. This is in accordance with their linguistic function as the introductory section of the portion of direct speech that follows in phrase 4. In phrase 3 the melody’s first high-pitched emphasis lies on Valeria’s gesture of prayer (“expansis in celum manibus”). Phrase 4 follows with Valeria’s direct speech, highlighted through its melodic start in the high register (“domine suscipe […]”) – a sharp contrast to the finalis-ending of the preceding phrase 3. Example 4 2.3. Joy predicted The passions/passiones of many saints also include topical episodes in which the protagonists are granted a prediction that they will soon experience the joys of heaven, a motif which frequently appears in the offices as well.47 Occasionally predictions of heavenly joys reveal fascinating elements of drama when they appear against the backdrop of stories characterized by the utmost earthly hopelessness. The fifth responsory (in the authentic F-mode) from the office of 45. In order to provide similar material for comparison, I give some examples for the positioning of the noun ‘gaudium’ at the very end of the chant. Abbreviations: A. = antiphon, R. = responsory, V. = Verse. Melismatic settings: Valeria office: A. O domini pietas […] impetret hec nobis eterne gaudia lucis. F-Pn lat. 903, fol. 202v. – Hellarus & Tacianus office: R. Sacerdos et pontifex […] Ut nos tecum ad superna, lucet ubi lux eterna, perducamur gaudia. Snoj, Two Aquileian Poetic Offices (Historiae 8), 26. – Ludovicus office: A. Ludovicus decus regnantium […] summi regis intret in gaudium. Epstein 1978, 308. – Syllabic settings: Eric office: R. O miles Christi […]. V. Perveniant qui te laudant ad gaudia vite. Nilsson 2000, 54-55. – Hellarus & Tacianus office: R. Plagis scorpionibus […] Sic ad astra pervenerunt sic et regnum intraverunt omni plenum gaudio. Snoj, Two Aquileian Poetic Offices (Historiae 8), 14. 46. Compare the melismatic setting of the preposition“in” with that of the same word in phrases 3a and 3b. This variation reduces the melodic dynamic and prepares the conclusion over “gaudium”. 47. Compare for this topos the Martial antiphon Cum oraret beatus Marcialis apparens dominus ei dixit pax frater tibi sit carissime gaudens eris mecum in splendore magno. (Cantus ID 201030); see also A. Quinto decimo die (Cantus ID 204182), both transmitted in F-Pn lat. 909, fol. 68v-69r. – The St Olaf responsory Egregius martir tells of the king’s vision during the night before his martyrdom. Jesus appears and says: “Come, my friend, it is time for you to receive the sweetest fruits of your labours”. The responsory is based on a model from the St Victor office, see the transcription of both pieces in Hankeln 2011, 156-157. 120 [1] When she – at the order of the furious duke – [2] was led to the execution [the sacrifice] [3] the virgin prayed with hands stretched up to the heavens, saying: [4] “Lord, receive my soul!” [5] and a voice from heaven was heard: [6] “See, O Valeria, [7] soon you will behold Christ, your bridegroom [8] in glory!”. 48. Transcribed from F-Pn lat. 903, fol. 201r-v. 121 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN The text of phrase 5 has the same syntactical function as the first three phrases, it serves as an introduction to the direct speech of the protagonist, and is shaped accordingly as a separate, melodically arching transition. In phrases 6-8 we hear God’s response, promising the martyr that she will soon be united with Jesus. God’s direct speech “ecce o Valeria […]”, like Valeria’s prayer in phrase 4, again starts in the higher register, but this time it ascends nearly to the top level of the ambitus (f) when the saint’s name is articulated. God’s actual promise in phrase 7, then, is linked with the most dynamic musical movement in the chant: in the words ‘mox videbis’, the melody runs rapidly (only eleven notes!) down through the entire ambitus, finding its goal in the object ‘Christum’ placed on the final of the mode. The characteristic adverb ‘mox’ (soon) is given particular emphasis through the ambitus’ top note ‘g’. The verb ‘videbis’ (you will see) is comprehended in the aforementioned scale, which is unique in this piece and thus all the more striking. The final extensive ‘gloria-’melisma once again leads up to ‘g’, a ninth above the final. At the end of this chant, characterized by quasi dramatic shifts between third-person account and first-person direct speech, the unification of the protagonist Valeria with her spiritual bridegroom in the glory of heavenly joy becomes a musical reality. This intense prediction clearly counters and indeed surpasses the initial execution scene in its musical weight. Melodically, segment 2 (phrases 5-8) is the most intense. The segment starts in phrase 5 with a recitation on the co-final-level d (‘nam humilis’). Phrases 5 and 6 do not conclude with full endings, thereby postponing tonal relaxation. In phrase 7 the highest note in the piece, e, is reached on the verb ‘refutans’ (‘rejecting’). A scale through a ninth, the longest in the chant, leads from this e down to D. The noun ‘gaudia’ (‘joys’ – earthly ones are meant here) receives a melodic cadence formula in this low register.51 Here the melodic line underlines the idea of the rejection of the earthly joys particularly strongly by combining its articulation with the piece’s musical climax. A comparable phrase-profile is given to the theme of the transition into heaven (phrase 3 ‘attingente celestia’), without, however, touching the highest note e. The ascent in phrase 9 is related to this; it reaches its peak on the final’s upper octave d, over ‘hodie’, an allusion to the topical remembrance of the saint ‘today’. 2.4. Temporal joy? So far we have studied vivid representations of the heavenly joys to come. References to the joys of this temporal world have quite another character in saints’ offices, as far as I can see. If they occur, then they are often referred to explicitly as an obstacle to be overcome, in order to achieve the more valuable joys of eternity. A particularly striking example for the theme of the rejection of the joys of this world is the following antiphon in honour of St Wenceslas (Example 5).49 In this D-mode example (tonus mixtus), the idea of the transvaluation of temporal values we have already seen in Example 3 above is present again, and as in Example 3, it is expressed in juxtapositions of antitheses placed at the outer limits of the phrases, separated by the preposition ‘in’ (see phrases 5, 6, 8). Through its poetic structure, cadence organization and content the piece can be divided into three segments. Segment 1 (phrases 1-4) is a call to rejoice, mentioning the saint’s heavenly status. Segment 2 (phrases 5-8) enumerates the saint’s virtues, constituting the rationale for segment 3 (phrases 9-11) which describes the saint’s coronation in heaven with the “crown of joy” (‘corona leticie’, phrase 10).50 49. Transcribed from CZ-Bfs 626, fol. 226v. 50. Segment 1: 8pp 7pp 8pp 7pp (a b a b), Segment 2: 8pp 7pp 8pp 7pp (a c a c), segment 3: 7pp 7pp 8pp (d d c). 122 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES Example 5 [1] Rejoice, happy Bohemia, [2] over the praiseworthy duke, [3] who touches the heavens [4] in a miraculous way; [5] since, humble in glory, [6] poor in riches, [7] by rejecting the joys of this world, [8] chaste in pleasure, [9] today he is crowned [10] with the crown of joy [11] free from memories of the flesh. 51. A number of office chants express the idea of the negligible nature of worldly joys by calling the heavenly joys ‘vera gaudia’ (‘the true joys’), see for example the A. O beata from St Elizabeth’s Letare Germania office, Haggh Two Offices for St Elizabeth (Historiae 1), 46; the A. Gloriosa from the Hidulphus office, facs. Bernard 1980, 150-151; or the A. Consecrator from the Corona spinea office, F-Pn lat. 15182, fol. 292r. 123 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 2.5. Miracles and joy There is one great exception to the general rejection of earthly joys in saints’ offices: those joys are caused by the saints themselves in history, that is, not only during their lifetime but also posthumously, for example through miracles. Several levels of representation can be observed in regard to these miracles. In the offices miracles frequently appear in affirmative series of three to five shorter psalm antiphons (especially during Lauds).52 The texts of these chants often adopt kind of a ‘report’ character from the vitae, collected accounts of miracles. Here is an example from the St Leufred office (Example 6).53 the saint, not on the healed brother. Note, however, that the verb ‘gaudet’ is at least placed very near the end of the antiphon and is therefore not entirely without (structural) emphasis. Other chant texts give more vivid renderings of the joyful atmosphere of miracles, for example the Benedictus antiphon from the Lauds of St Dominic’s translation feast (Example 7).55 Example 7 Example 6 [1] A brother tortured by a demon [4] rejoices [3] when he is immediately given back his former health [2] through the prayers of St Leufred. The text is representative of many others in its strikingly brief mention of the joyful reaction of the cured monk, which hardly attracts a musical elaboration. In this antiphon, the main melodic accent lies on the saintly character of St Leufred himself (see the melismatic setting in the highest register over ‘SANCTI Leufredi’ in phrase 2), not on the joy of the healed brother, which is given a fairly unobtrusive musical rendering.54 The reason for this lies in the focus on [1] O what an amazement of the people [2] what a joy of the brethren, [3] when from the place of the holy grave [4] a miraculous scent comes forth; [5] the aged and the young run [6] to the blessings of the saint. [An ‘alleluia’ has to be added during the paschal season]. 52. The texts of the Lauds antiphons from St Olaf’s office are typical examples of this kind, see Østrem 2001, 372-381. 53. Transcribed from F-R 252, fol. 197v. 54. The start of the antiphon employs a formulaic motive, but its general style is more recent; see the comparable antiphon in Dobszay and Szendrei 1999, no. 7315, p. 1018. 124 55. Transcribed from GB-Lbl Add. 23935, fol. 334. 125 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN – Texts of this kind are certainly more likely to attract a melodic accentuation of joyful aspects than the former example. The chant’s first musical climax is placed in the second phrase, which tells of the exultant reaction of the brethren. But there were other aspects which apparently demanded articulatory musical attention: the second climax is connected with the central verb ‘prodit’ in phrase 4; the saint’s gifts (‘beneficia’) are placed at the very end of the piece, accentuated by the longest melodic segment given to a single word.56 Example 8 MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES 3. Community and joy In office chants which thematize the joy over miracles, the saints’ intercessory power and its impact on other humans in history is demonstrated. The emphasis on the saints’ presence in the temporal world becomes even stronger in the chants which address the joyful cultic celebration of the saint. In these chants the community and its cultic joy are shown as important elements. In the communal joy over the saint, his/her presence and actuality is underlined. The aspect of cultic actualization is visible in the fact that chants of this kind are usually completely newly written individual proper items, that is, they are not based on portions of the saint’s vita or on miracle reports, as is the case with most other pieces of high medieval historiae. 3.1. Invitations to communal festive celebration The idea of the joyful communal celebration is a characteristic, built-in feature of the Divine Office at the start of Matins, when the invitatory psalm 95 (lat. 94) was recited: “O come, let us sing unto the LORD: let us make a joyful noise to the rock of our salvation”.57 Thematically, the invitatory antiphons usually take up the theme of the psalm, differing from the other office chants in their decidedly christocentric character. Placed at the start of Matins, invitatory antiphons speak first and foremost to Christ (or God), who is praised for his divine mercy which led to the achievements of the patron saint. This mercy causes the immense joy of the community ‘today’, that is, on the feast of the saint. In the actual remembrance of the saint, salvation history merges with joyous presence and reality. The invitatory antiphon of the office in honour of the Three Marys is a typical example (Example 8).58 [1] Let us rejoice on this day [2] with hymns worthy of God, [4] who gives [his] kingdom to the sisters [5] of the mother and virgin Mary, [3] in their shining virtues. The idea of the community’s festal joy is emphasized straightaway in this short chant in its positioning of the exhortatory verb ‘Iubilemus’ (‘Let us rejoice’) at the very start and its melismatic ornamentation. However, ‘in hac die’ at the end of this phrase receives the most melismatic attention, articulating the actuality of the present festal celebration. A third melismatic-diastematic accent is placed in phrase 4 on the noun ‘regnum’ (the heavenly kingdom), the central gift given to the saints as their reward.59 The invitation to festal communal celebration can also be found in other chants, often those situated in the First Nocturn of Matins. An example is the first responsory in honour of St Gorgonius (Example 9).60 56. ‘Beneficia’ receives 16 notes, roughly twice as many as the more melismatically set words ‘populi’ (9), ‘leticia’ (9), ‘fragrantia’ (9). 57. Ps 94: ‘[1] Venite, exsultemus Domino; jubilemus Deo salutari nostro […]’. On the psalm in the Divine Office see Harper 1991, 70. 58. Transcribed from D-Mbs clm 9508, fol. ccxxII verso. Compare the two other settings of this chant text, both with melismas on ‘Iubilemus’, ed. Boyce 1989, 13. 126 59. To give another example, a comparable thematic character and musical design can be observed in the invitatory antiphon from St Wolfgang’s office (Regensburg, 11th century). See Hiley, Historia Sancti Wolfgangi (Historiae 7), 5. 60. See facs. in Bernard 1980, 139. 127 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES Example 9 The responsory’s second phrase underlines the idea of communal remembrance with a relatively high melodic positioning of the personal pronoun ‘nobis’ (“the triumph is renewed for US”).62 The musical climax of the chant is however placed in phrase 5 on the mercy of Christ: the central noun ‘gratiam’ receives a short melisma, and touches the chant’s highest note f (“per Christi GRATIAM”). In the final phrase 6, the saints’ entrance into the heavenly palace (‘poli regiam’) is musically articulated with emphasis. The words ‘poli regiam’ are connected by a melodic arch (starting low, rising, ending low) which calms the movement developed in phrase 5.63 (Compare the same strategy in Example 3 above). The final phrase thus acquires the character of a musical goal, analogous to the content: the entrance into the heavenly palace is the result of God’s mercy. The downward scale over the verb ‘intravit’ at the start of phrase 6 must be seen as bridging preparation for this segment. (Again, compare this effect with Example 3). 3.2. Intercession and joy The joyful celebration of the saint is frequently combined with a plea by the community for intercession: the patron is asked to intercede with the Lord, so that the community may participate in the joys of heaven. Chants of this kind are freely written prayers characterized by intense gestures of imploration. The theme of intercession, so central for the medieval clerical communities, was given a number of remarkable settings which deserve special attention. I start with a fairly typical representative of the antiphon repertory, from the office of St Vulganius (Example 10).64 The two rather similar, acclamatory phrases 1 and 2 of this Magnificat antiphon (authentic D-mode) start with direct addresses to the saint (a typical attitude for many chants of this kind).65 In phrase 3a the community’s plea for the saint’s presence (‘adesto […]!’) is musically accentuated with a new beginning, marked by the largest leap of the chant (the fifth D-a) followed by a straightforward ascent into the high a-c register, coinciding with the personal pronoun ‘[…] nobis!’. Phrase 3b surpasses this by arriving for the first time at the piece’s highest pitch, d, on the noun ‘gaudia’. The accent lies here on the joyful celebration performed by the congregation, which at the same time includes its plea for intercession.66 [1] Today’s feast [2] renews for us the triumph [3] when the outstanding man Gorgonius [4] conquered the uproar of the world [5] and through the mercy of Christ [6] entered the palace of heaven. V. He has fought the good fight, he has finished his course, he has kept the faith.61 62. Compare the similar first Matins responsory from the Quirinus office: “Imminent is now the celebration of the day of the athlete of the Lord, Quirinus, whose translation is indeed our exultation”. Klugseder Historia Sancti Quirini (Historiae 14), 5. 63. The extended melisma, in its second half, takes up the high melodic turn attached to the name ‘Gorgonius’ at the end of phrase 3: ad-dc-de-cba. 64. 61. The verse is a modified quotation from 2 Timothy 4:7-8 where St Paul talks about himself: “bonum certamen certavi […]”. The apostle continues with the prospect of reward for his ‘good fight’: “[8] Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing”. 128 Transcribed from F-R 252, fol. 262v. Because of an erasure the start of the antiphon is not clearly legible. 65. Both initial ‘o’ acclamations receive melismas, but the second constitutes an intensification due to a slightly prolonged melisma and its movement into the upper register a-c. 66. The Magnificat antiphon in honour of St Eric is another example of an intense musical representation of the communities’ invocation of the saint: “Hail, precious martyr, glorious soldier of Christ, Hail glory of the kingdom. O Eric, king of the Swedish, claim for us the remission of the sins, and joy”. See Nilsson 2000, 48. 129 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN – Example 10 Example 11 MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES [1] O magnificent confessor of Christ, Vulganius, [2] o excellent possessor of the heavenly kingdom, [3a] be with us [3b] who celebrate the joys [3c] of your feast [4a] and obtain by God [4b] the forgiveness of sins [5] who has received you in his glory. My final example shows the articulation of the theme of joyful celebration combined with a plea for intercession within the larger dimensions of a responsory (G-mode, tonus mixtus), taken from the office in honour of St Egidius (Example 11).67 [1] Benign confessor Egidius, [2] friend of Jesus Christ, [3/4] who has washed away the sins of the king who confessed to you,68 [6] make that we [5] – expiated through your prayers from villainies – [6] can enjoy the celestial joys. V. [1] Which no eye has yet seen [2] nor ear has heard, [3] and which has not yet entered into the heart of man.69 68. According to St Egidius’s vita the saint’s intercession achieved the remission of a sin that Emperor Charlemagne did not dare confess, see Vita Aegidii, AASS Septembris Tomus I, 302. 67. Transcribed from D-AAm G. 20, fol. 298r. On the word ‘diluisti’ the notation shows an obvious mistake. It is notated E-CD-EFE-E; in the transcription the passage has been transposed a third upwards. 130 69. The verse quotes 1 Corinthians 2:9: “But as it is written, eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him”. 131 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HANKELN The community’s prayer for intercession “Fac nos gaudiis frui…” (phrase 6), is given a climactic performative intensity due to its placement in the highest register (d-aa) at the start of the repetendum. The joys (‘gaudiis’) requested by the community touch the highest note of the chant (aa). After a weak caesura on the co-final (‘frui’, d), the virtuoso ‘celestibus’-melisma is sung. It combines plagal and authentic registers in a gamut which spans an eleventh, employing highly unusual melodic turns: at the start we may observe the zigzag-movement fc-d-GaGF-D (traversing a tenth), and in the last third of the chant the leap of an octave (G-g) followed by tone-repetitions on high g! The musical realization of the idea of intercession and the musical description of the prize hoped for by the community – the heavenly joys (‘gaudiis celestibus’) – are communicated in this responsory particularly strongly.70 in saints’ offices were usually performed by groups of singers (or soloists as representatives of the group). This already indicates that the music does not function as the mimesis of the personal aspects of the emotion of joy, but rather as a means to emphasize its theological superindividual significance. The present study has demonstrated several possibilities of the musical representation of the thematic aspects of joy. Involved in this are formal procedures (the placement of words at the start or end of the piece, or the repetendum), tonality (as a tool creating or interrupting coherence) and melody and texture contrasts (which can be used in order to highlight single ideas). Of course, these technical devices can also be found in other thematic contexts. Thus the articulation of joy did not lead to a completely new kind of music or a change in style. But this does not negate the differentiated manner in which this articulation took place. On the contrary: in these chants the medieval clerical understanding of joy is most clearly expressed in a fusion of the linguistic and musical media. 4. Conclusion Human cultural identity is expressed in the array of ideas, beliefs, dreams, values and attitudes, which members of a community share with one other. The topic of ‘joy’ as an elementary human experience and desire stands at the centre of this array. Since it is intrinsic to so many office chants, we can analyse them at a pivotal point of medieval clerical existence: the cultic celebration in honour of the saints. In the offices the topic of joy is expressed from a broad range of perspectives ranging from expositions of the theme of eternal joy, both experienced or anticipated (Examples 1-4), through to the rejection of temporal joy (Example 5). Personal or communal joy over miracles is mentioned (Examples 6-7) as well as the themes of joyful cultic remembrance and the community’s plea for intercession in order to attain eternal joy (Examples 8-11). Most chant texts speak about heavenly joy, a joy that is promised, expected, begged for, but essentially unseen and unheard, as expressed in the verse of the St Egidius responsory, quoting 1 Corinthians 2:9. This is a grandiose yet abstract idea of joy. Even when joy is shown in broader dimensions as the individual emotion of a living human, it appears as an idealized stylization: see the martyr’s rejoicing during torments, Example 2 above. We cannot know how these chants were performed, and what the singers perhaps did in order to enhance the emotional aspects inherent in the melodies. It should not be forgotten, in any case, that the musical representations of joy 70. The setting of the same text in the second volume of the antiphoner from the parish church of Kranj, Slovenia (SI-Ls 19), is based on mode 1 (not on mode 7 as in the present example), but the structural accents on communal prayer and celestial joy are here accomplished by the same musical means: placement in the repetendum section, high register and extensive melismatic rendering of the adjective ‘celestibus’. See the facsimile Snoj and Gilányi 2007, vol. 2, fol. 151v; on the manuscript see vol. 1, p. 7. The responsory of First Vespers in honour of St Thomas shares the same theme: “The longed-for translation of the martyr Thomas is at hand, who shines with the benefit of the divine gift. Let us give praise and sing psalms for the glory of the bishop, so that he may grant strength and salvation to his followers”. Transl. Slocum 2004, 265-266. 132 – MUSIC AND TEXT IN SAINTS’ OFFICES: TWO APPROACHES III – Method At this point I leave it to the judgment of the reader whether she or he will concede some validity to the results of the two studies above, and I conclude with a few remarks about their methodological character. The two studies seem to stand at opposite ends of the scale of methodological approaches to the phenomenon of text-music-interaction in saints’ offices as presently practised. The approach in Study II, more subjective in character, has the advantage that the plausibility of the interpretation can be assessed immediately by the reader. However, its significance for generalizations is small, since mainly positive examples, suited for a short discussion, were chosen from a much larger repertory.71 Study I has the air of greater objectivity, but is at the same time based principally on a specific understanding of the phenomenon of texture. The statistical description of this simple musico-linguistic phenomenon requires, in addition, a cumbersome apparatus of new terms and computistic operations, which makes it rather less than inviting for subsequent verification.72 My conclusion for the present is, that when it comes to the investigation and description of the musico-linguistic grammar of saints’ offices, we are 71. In the debate about the impact of the accent on plainchant melodies the application of this kind of a ‘revue’ of examples as an argumentative tool was heavily criticized by Willi Apel (1958, 282): “Such examples […] prove nothing […]”. I am aware of that, and Study II above should be understood as a question which, after corrective counter-arguments and examples, might lead to more general answers. Principally I am, however, more and more doubtful about the necessity and/or value of generalizations on this particular field of research. 72. The statistical method chosen by Apel (1958, 283f.), adopted in order to give a critical answer to the ‘subjective’ approaches of the Solesmes school regarding the impact of the accent in the melodies, was comparable in nature. 133 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES methodologically only slightly more advanced than the pioneers of plainchant research in the late nineteenth and mid twentieth centuries, who used more or less the same approaches. Interpretative approaches based on statistical preliminary studies, i.e. a combination of the methods discussed above, might be a desirable ideal. I doubt, however, whether they are realistic on a larger scale (which would be required for the office repertory). Without a sudden (miraculous) broad public appreciation of the cultural-historical significance of saints’ offices which would generate increased interdisciplinary interest (= more scholars involved), the development of new approaches might take generations. Let us hope for the best, that is, that research of this kind may survive the threats of a general subjection of musicology and philology under mediumterm trends guided by market ideology, opportunistic university politics, and Microsoft Windows updates which will restrict the lifetime of available materials to a couple of years. Nils Holger Petersen Københavns Universitet Emotion and human identification in medieval saints’ offices: a response to Roman Hankeln In the following, I shall comment on and contextualize Roman Hankeln’s article, in which he discusses two fundamentally different ways of approaching the question as to how or whether it may be possible to “uncover the aesthetic framework behind the various approaches to text-setting which operates in saints’ offices” (Hankeln p. 92). This is done, not least, with methodological insights in mind. Hankeln’s first approach, presented as an experiment, employs statistical methods, attempting to give a survey of how common placements of melismas relate to the position of accent in words, based on a systematic survey of chants from six historiae. Thus this method is not concerned with semantic content, or with the possibility of different functions of chants within a particular office, but gives results concerning a strict linguistic categorization of words according to the number of syllables and the placement of accent within the words. The second method is a traditional approach in principle, seemingly less scientific, building essentially on semantic analyses of the texts set in the chants and descriptive analyses of the melodies, emphasizing melodic highpoints, the placement of melismas in relation to the meanings of words or word complexes, as well as local changes of register. Further, repetitions of motifs and cadences of subphrases are also considered as potential markers of significance distinguishing between the various meanings of individual phrases. In each individual case, I have no trouble following Roman Hankeln’s argumentation or the idea behind the investigations or interpretations. In his own discussions and conclusions, he is very careful to point out the differences between the two methods and to point out the relevant overall criticisms that may be raised against either. In accordance with the structure of Hankeln’s article, my response will also be divided into two parts, and it will be concerned mainly with broader methodological and historiographical aspects. I. Hankeln’s experiment In the linguistic-music analysis, which builds on ‘text patterns’ (in short, ‘t-patterns’), consisting of series of numbers of notes for each syllable in a setting of a word, an example is given to demonstrate that “an analysis focusing 134 135 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PETERSEN exclusively on melodic shape is unable to show the interaction of repeated, stable elements (verse, and t-patterns) and their variable melodic clothing” (p. 113). Hankeln also points out that the seemingly objective analysis is not independent of the interpreter, as he asks “Can we, in addition, identify rules for the melismatic or non-melismatic setting of accented syllables, rules for syllables at the end of the word, rules for the number of notes on non-accented syllables in general?” (pp. 92, 94-95). I would like to contextualize these qualifications with some methodological and historiographical considerations of a quite general, basic, or elementary nature in order to broaden the discussion. First, I would like to point to the fundamental ‘otherness’ of the Middle Ages (as of all ‘very old’ historical periods). While generally acknowledged by scholars, this acknowledgment may recede into the background when we work continuously and analytically with medieval materials. But, as it comes to the fore in the questions posed by Hankeln (see for instance the introductory remarks on pp. 91-92), we do not know what medieval authors themselves thought about their compositions of words and music and to what extent they even wanted the melodies to ‘express’ or correspond to the words or sentences they set. Further below, I shall return to a particular case where a commentator did after all comment on the connection between the melody of a chant and the words set or alluded to in a chant text. Such lack of knowledge, as indicated by the term ‘otherness’, also applies to modern ways of posing questions, or in this case to categories. Were ‘text patterns’ a relevant category in connection with musical setting for medieval authors? If the results of Hankeln’s systematic experiments pointed strongly to particular ways (for each repertory) of setting text patterns, that in itself, of course, would underpin such a hypothesis. In the investigation, the t-patterns were categorized according to where the greatest number of notes was placed in relation to the accent. Each of the historiae studied gives rise to a table concerning the percentage of employments of such t-patterns, divided up according to numbers of syllables in words. One result is that the distribution of such t-patterns varies from one historia to another. Especially for the three historiae of Stephanus, Ludgerus, and Carolus, however, a certain degree of overall compliance can be seen, but not in such a way that a principle – let alone a law – concerning a particular group of (not too old) historiae has been revealed. I am not questioning the experiment. The question I want to raise is a continuation of Hankeln’s own discussion. Can the knowledge that is – undoubtedly – achieved through the descriptive system generated by Hankeln’s categorizations, be made fruitful for our historical understanding, that is, our interpretations of the offices? For me, this involves the question of whether the categories can be defined not only consistently, something I acknowledge that they are, and thus may be said ‘actually’ to exist in the material that is analysed, but also whether they would have been of noticeable significance at the time. Undoubtedly, authors were aware of syllables and accents, but whether this also made categorization according to ‘note values’ (‘n-values’, see p. 93), numbers of notes setting each syllable, relevant in a historical perspective is another question, and not an obvious one to answer. Behind my deliberations stands the age-old question of whether modern analyses necessarily need to comply with thought or understanding contemporary to the time of the materials under scrutiny. Here caution is required. As modern scholars we cannot avoid asking questions that might not have seemed relevant to the people whose practices we are trying to study. On the other hand, the already mentioned distance from the medieval world, which must be taken into account, concerns what I like to call the resistance of the historical materials. It is fine to ask any question we feel the need to ask. However, unless investigations, when trying to apply our modern research questions to historical materials, give clear, unequivocal results, we need to be cautious about what can be concluded from such results. This is for the following reason, which admittedly is an expression of a historiographical point of view, and hence to some extent subjective. All categorizations and investigations of how the implicated categories have been employed statistically will necessarily yield some result. If these results point unequivocally to a statement of a specific rule or general practice, they will give a new background to the question as to why this might have been so at the time and for these materials. This may lead to a renewed discussion of particular features in the studied materials and practices. However, statistical results of a less clear import will also contribute descriptive knowledge, which eventually, when enough such results have been gathered, may stand as a kind of encyclopaedic knowledge, in the present case of how text-patterns were treated at the time. I believe, in general, that in order for statistical results to be applicable convincingly in the formulation of theories about the past, they must be contextualized with a historical understanding of what is going on. Statistics by themselves have little to say, unless they relate to (possibly modify) an otherwise established understanding. The knowledge established by statistical methods, it then seems to me, is hard to interpret unless it points in the direction of a discursive hypothesis for a conscious compositional practice that may be tested against our present historical understanding, or may be used to confront this understanding in order to modify it. If this is not possible, the knowledge achieved risks remaining just tables and figures. This is the risk in undertaking experiments like the one Hankeln has ventured to carry out. We may get something new, even something completely unexpected, out of the experiment, but we may also risk not really increasing our understanding, even if, in a sense, we will know something we did not know before. 136 – A RESPONSE TO ROMAN HANKELN 137 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PETERSEN I want to underline again that this is not a criticism of Hankeln’s experiment as such. This is so first of all because, just as with experiments within the natural sciences, before the experiment has been carried out we cannot know whether there will actually be a breakthrough. Furthermore, the fact that I have difficulties in seeing a clear hypothesis about compositional practice in the results Hankeln presents may arise from my own limited knowledge concerning the relationship between accented words and musical setting in such repertories as we are discussing here. What I would need in order to see my way more clearly – and this may be the result of further discussion – are arguments that the categorizations according to text patterns and tone values are historically well-founded tools for understanding conscious (or even unconscious) principles behind the musical settings of historiae, and – possibly – other liturgical settings. – significance.2 Here we must remember that the notion of a sacrament was not well defined until the understanding of Hugh of St Victor and, slightly later, Peter Lombard in the twelfth century. It was, as I am increasingly led to believe, not even conceptualized as a notion in its own right, as a ‘class’ of such holy things or ceremonies, neither by Augustine nor in the early Middle Ages.3 In Book IV of his Liber officialis from the beginning of the 820s, Amalar of Metz gives a characterization of saints’ feasts: II. Semantic representation in chant Intuitively, I find completely acceptable Hankeln’s way of discussing the verbal meaning of an office text and then trying to find in what ways the music seems to respond, melodically, or in terms of the placement of melismas, register, ambitus of a sub-clause or a particular word. However, in exactly the same way as discussed above, it requires that we can be convinced that authors – and/or those participating in the cult – were actually concerned with the message of the text, and that it was part of the function of the music to help put that message across to the participants. This has been a point of discussion in chant scholarship since early days, as Hankeln remarks in his article (p. 114), and the answers from scholars have not been unequivocal. Hankeln himself has contributed substantially to this discussion, especially concerning saints’ offices.1 I agree with Hankeln, and I would like to offer a broader context for my agreement. It is not easy to be sure to what extent music would have the text it sets as its primary focus. Still, reasons can be presented which make it seem plausible that music at least also participated in the communication of the verbal contents of the texts that were set. For chant in general, an argument for this can be presented based on some few statements by liturgical commentators, as I shall point out in the following. However, the placement of the discipline of music in higher education during Antiquity and the Middle Ages was within the mathematical, thus more abstract, quadrivium. Combined with the general discourse about music’s overall theological contribution to liturgical ceremonies, this makes it important to acknowledge that music not only contributed theologically or emotionally through the text or in order to convey the text, but rather (or at least in addition) it supplemented the text with its own – in a sense sacramental 1. 138 See not least Hankeln 2009b. – A RESPONSE TO ROMAN HANKELN We can understand what the feasts of the saints are from one responsory that is sung on the feast of blessed Stephen. The responsory says: “Yesterday the Lord was born on the earth, that Stephen might be born in heaven.” The feasts of the saints reveal the births by which they are born into the fellowship of the nine orders of angels, and into the fellowship of the holy fathers of the natural law, the law of the letter and the New Testament. Because of the glory of the New Testament, the antiphons for the third nocturn contain the alleluia, as follows. “The horns of the just shall be exalted, alleluia”, “Light is risen to the just, alleluia”, “They kept his testimonies and his commandments, alleluia.” In those feasts that we celebrate with nine lessons, we pray while standing, to recall the holy fellowship of the angels and the holy fathers, who are already in eternal joy.4 This conveys a traditional understanding of such a feast, in accordance with Augustine’s fundamentally influential discourse on saints, as found for instance in his Contra Faustum: It is true that Christians pay religious honour to the memory of the martyrs, both to excite us to imitate them and to obtain a share in their merits, and the assistance of their prayers. But we build altars not to any martyr, but to the God of martyrs, although it is to the memory of the martyrs. No one officiating at the altar in the saints’ burying place ever says, We bring an offering to you, O Peter! or O Paul! or O Cyprian! The offering is made to God, who gave the crown of martyrdom, while it is in memory of those thus crowned. The emotion is increased by the associations of the place, and love is excited both towards those who are our examples, and towards Him by whose help we may follow such examples. We regard the martyrs with the same affectionate intimacy that we feel towards holy men of God in this life, when we know that their hearts are prepared to endure the 2. This comes out quite strongly in some of Augustine’s deliberations about music, especially in his discussions of the theological meaning of the iubilus, which was also taken up by the Carolingians; see Rankin 1994, 303-306; Ekenberg 1987, esp. 28-29 and 43-44; and Petersen 2004, 15-25. 3. Petersen 2017, 20-22, and Petersen 2020, 123-26. 4. Quae sint natalicia sanctorum, ex uno responsorio qui cantatur in festitivate beati Stephani, cognoscere possumus. Dicit responsorius: ”Hesterna die Dominus natus est in terris, ut Stephanus nasceretur in caelis.” Natalitia sanctorum nativitates eorum monstrant quibus nascuntur in societatem novem ordinum angelorum, et in societatem sanctorum patrum naturalis legis, et legis litterae et Novi Testamenti. Propter gloriam Novi Testamenti continent antiphonae de tertia periocha alleluia, veluti sunt: “Exaltabuntur cornua iusti, alleluia,” “Lux orta est iusto, alleluia,” “Custodiebant testimonia eius et praecepta eius, alleluia.” In festivitatibus quas recolimus per novenarium numerum, stantes oramus, recolendo sanctam societatem angelorum et patrum sanctorum, qui iam sunt in laetitia sempiterna. Amalar of Metz, On the Liturgy, ed. Knibbs 2014, II, 560-563 (including the English translation quoted here). 139 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES same suffering for the truth of the gospel. There is more devotion in our feeling towards the martyrs, because we know that their conflict is over; and we can speak with greater confidence in praise of those already victors in heaven, than of those still combating here.5 Hrabanus Maurus closely paraphrased this whole passage in the 830s in his De institutione clericorum, including the words affectus (‘affect’), here translated by ‘emotion’ and cultu dilectionis (‘worship of love’; in the translation rendered freely as “regarded with affectionate intimacy”).6 Thus all three authors – Augustine, Hrabanus Maurus, and Amalar (pointing to the feast as a recollection of the fellowship of angels and saints, already in eternal joy) – use words that can be understood as associating emotions with saints’ feasts. Emotion, however, is a tricky topic. Peter Burke has identified “four main problems in writing the history of the emotions,” the first of them: The problem of the definition of emotions, otherwise known as passions, feelings, sentiments, sensibility, affections, affectivity, desires, drives or instincts. Here as elsewhere in the study of human behaviour, we find too many concepts, coined in different disciplines, jostling in the same intellectual space. What counts as an emotion?7 The notions of affectus and cultus dilectionis, however, in whichever way we render them in English (and there are several possibilities), do seem to point in the direction of a more personal disposition toward the cult and the saints, an inclination which it would be difficult not in some way to consider to be at least also emotional. These expressions seem to concern a human, individual participation in the – narrative – identity of the saint, the saint as told about in legends (oral or written), and thus as encountered in the office as well, at least in the readings of Matins, but also in responsories and other chants relating narrative material and characterizations of the saint. In this context the question arises as to how and why readings of saints’ legends came to occupy such a central place in the saints’ offices. I discuss this in a recently published article, pointing in particular to the time of Augustine, which is the time when saints’ cults proliferated particularly, and also a formative period for public liturgical ceremonial after the Constantinian turn, 5. Populus autem christianus memorias martyrum religiosa solemnitate concelebrat, et ad excitandam imitationem, et ut meritis eorum consocietur, atque orationibus adjuvetur: ita tamen ut nulli martyrum, sed ipsi Deo martyrum, quamvis in memoriis martyrum, constituamus altaria. Quis enim antistitum in locis sanctorum corporum assistens altari, aliquando dixit, Offerimus tibi, Petre; aut, Paule; aut, Cypriane: sed quod offertur, offertur Deo qui martyres coronavit, apud memorias eorum quos coronavit; ut ex ipsorum locorum admonitione major affectus exsurgat, ad acuendam charitatem et in illos quos imitari possumus, et in illum quo adjuvante possumus. Colimus ergo martyres eo cultu dilectionis et societatis, quo et in hac vita coluntur sancti homines Dei, quorum cor ad talem pro evangelica veritate passionem paratum esse sentimus. Sed illos tanto devotius, quanto securius post certamina superata: quanto etiam fidentiore laude praedicamus, jam in vita feliciore victores, quam in ista adhuc usque pugnantes. Augustine of Hippo, 1865, XX, 21, cols. 0384-0385. Translation Knight s.d. PETERSEN – A RESPONSE TO ROMAN HANKELN though we do not know many details about liturgical texts, and even less, of course, about music of the time. An interesting decision at the third council of Carthage in 397, a council in which Augustine participated as bishop of Hippo Regius, sheds potential light over this, at a time where the biblical canon had just been defined or stabilized, as also referred to by Augustine in his De civitate dei (413-425). The decision refers to the books of the biblical canon, stating that nothing outside of this canon may be read in church “under the designation divine scriptures” (sub nomine divinarum scripturarum). To this, however, is added one exception: “It is also allowed to read the passions of martyrs when their anniversaries are celebrated.”8 What is significant here is to understand why it would have been important to accept the passions of the martyrs as divine readings. I understand the saints’ liturgies in the context of what for Augustine in his De civitate dei seems to have been an idea of God’s continued history with human beings after the biblical history, a continued divine history. One main point in Augustine’s magnum opus was to distance himself from those who thought that the kingdom of God could be identified in this world. Similarly, one could not necessarily identify who belonged to the true, hidden, church. However, Augustine also believed that God revealed himself and revealed his actions through holy persons and their miracles. This is a topic treated extensively in Book Twenty-Two of the work. As is clear from the quoted passage of Augustine’s Contra Faustum, saints’ cults for him also involved a personal attachment to the saint from those participating in the cults so that they attempt to imitate and become partakers of the merits of the saints (populus […] meritis eorum consocietur). So, whereas the liturgical year – as also made clear in Henry Parkes’s contribution to this volume – is in a number of ways directed toward eschatology, at the same time following Christ on earth in his resurrection, ascension, and heavenly guidance, it also incorporates God’s continued actions with contemporary mankind in post-biblical times through the saints’ feasts. This becomes a further point of identification for contemporary Christians, in addition to their being Christian. With its integration of earthly time into a great eschatological perspective, the saints’ calendar merged into the overall Christian calendar, thus providing a framework of points of connection between a recognizable human world, including narratives based on more or less familiar experiences, and the divine.9 In other words, the point is that human emotions or affects or just – to avoid the problematic word – narrative identification with the saint in question could take place and liturgies could be experienced in such a way that 6. Hrabanus Maurus, De institutione clericorum Book II, ch. 43 (‘De festivitatibus sanctorum’). 8. Liceat etiam legi passiones martyrum cum anniuersarii dies eorum celebrantur. Council of Carthage, ed. Munier 1974, 340. See the discussion, also referring to Augustine’s De civitate dei, in Petersen 2016, 171. 7. Burke 2005, 38. 9. 140 See the discussion, to a large extent based on Augustine’s De civitate dei, in Petersen 2016, 166-176. 141 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES PETERSEN they also have contemporary connections with the congregation. They were not only about ‘old’ stories or eschatological notions. Shortly after 1100, the Benedictine Rupert of Deutz in his Liber de divinis officiis (I. 16) made it clear how responsories (in general) were meant to respond in terms of compliance of the affects, sorrowful singing for sorrowful readings, a joyful response to joyous readings: It is, of course, of fundamental importance to be conscious of the possible differences between the functions of individual words and texts. When it comes to the word ‘joy’, which Hankeln discusses in the second part of his article, it is not always obvious which kind of ‘joy’ is meant, a theological notion, or a human feeling, or both. To bring in a textual interpretation might serve to refine the discussions of how the melodies represent texts. What kind of representation of joy is at stake in each chant? Hankeln points out that joy does not always mean the same in every text, and his divisions according to the uses of notions of joy show how that complicates any general description of the word’s musical representation. Indeed, in the texts there are different layers of human identification with a saint’s narrative and of eschatological signification. In addition, these levels are not mutually exclusive. On the contrary, it is a main point of the Augustinian understanding, which seems to have prevailed also in Carolingian times (cf. Hrabanus Maurus’s appropriation of Augustine cited above) and most likely for centuries onward, that the eschatological message is expressed through the saints’ passion narratives. In this way, ‘joy’ becomes a particularly complex word to deal with in the context of musical representation, since it covers both the human and the divine, and separation of the two is difficult. Altogether, I am fundamentally convinced by the relevance of the tools with which Hankeln works in his interpretations in the second part of his article, as long as a case for the music emphases pointed to in the interpretation in each individual example can also be made through textual interpretation of the same phrases. The emphases or the differentiations made between individual phrases concern various forms of signification. It seems important that such observations make sense in relation to an overall understanding of the text, as well as concerning all layers of discursive meaning touched upon here. Finally, I would want to emphasize as an important criterion for these interpretative efforts that they presuppose a certain level of consistency in the way melismas, melodic high points, and changes of register and other musical markers of significance or change of meaning are used in the individual offices. In all of this, I believe that I am in overall agreement with Hankeln’s approach.12 The point in my discussion here has been to establish a broad historical background for this agreement. Hankeln’s work over the last years has broken new paths, bringing the question of whether, and how, plainchant takes part in conveying discursive meanings up to a new level of academic precision. That is an achievement, and the second part of his article in this volume contributes to this achievement in a highly convincing way. The responsories which we sing after the readings indicate to us that we must answer the holy admonitions which God has given us so that we are not “like children sitting in the marketplace”, playing and “saying ‘We sang for you, and you did not dance; we wailed, and you did not weep’.” [cf. Luke 7:32]. They are named from being meant to respond. We ought to sing to the sorrowful readings with sorrow and to the joyful ones with joy. […] when the reader just as “John neither eating nor drinking” preaches penitence we cry similarly in the responsory, and when he just as “the Son of Man eating and drinking” sings for us about the joy of the Kingdom, we dance [for joy] chiming in with him in a suitable way.10 An example of how Rupert understood a chant to be joyful can also be found, not in connection with his discussion of the responsories in saints’ offices, but as a discursive interpretation of the well-known processional chant for Easter Day, Sedit angelus ad sepulchrum.11 Still, all problems are not solved thereby. For sometimes, in a text, joy is understood as a theological notion, an abstract eschatological idealization, not a human feeling, intended not so much for human identification as for theological proclamation. Indeed, music seems, as already mentioned, often to have been understood as a sacred sign, helping humans to experience the holy or the divine. That function is a different one from the function Rupert points to in his discussion of the meaning of the responsories. On the other hand, his description of the joyfulness of Sedit angelus ad sepulchrum may well also be ‘sacramental’ (in the early Augustinian and, as I believe, also Carolingian understanding of that word), a sign pointing to the holiness of and the divine in Christ’s resurrection. Rupert’s text is, in itself, not quite unequivocal, something that may alert us to the question of whether there was, at that time, a clear separation between what for us would be the human feeling of joyful awe on the one hand and the divine holiness for which, in Rupert’s description, the melody is highly fitting. 10. Responsoria, quae post lectiones canimus, nobis innuunt sanctis monitis Dei factis nos respondere debere, ne simus similes pueris sedentibus in foro ludentibus ac dicentibus: Cantauimus uobis et non saltastis, lamentauimus uobis et non plorastis. Dicuntur enim a respondendo. Tristia namque tristibus et laeta laetis debemus succinere lectionibus. […] Sed dum lector uelut Ioannes non manducans neque bibens praedicat paenitentiam, nos itidem in responsorio ploramus, et dum ille uelut Filius hominis manducans et bibens cantat nobis de gaudio regni, succinentes eidem apte saltamus. Rupert of Deutz, Liber de divinis officiis, 13. For a longer excerpt, English translation and further discussion, see Petersen 2016, 178-179. 11. 142 See Petersen 2001. 12. – A RESPONSE TO ROMAN HANKELN Cf. also the discussions in Hankeln 2016 and Petersen 2014. 143 Morné Bezuidenhout, University of Cape Town Mark Brand, Nelson Mandela University, Port Elizabeth A web-based interface for the computational analysis and recognition of interval patterns in chants from late medieval saints’ offices Introduction This paper presents the results of an initiative to develop a web-based computerassisted utility1 with which to explore criteria of significant melodic movement that Roman Hankeln and David Hiley have identified as stylistic traits of the music in later medieval saints’ offices.2 The dataset consists predominantly of data extracted from transcriptions of antiphons and great responsories completed for the Regensburg Heiligenoffizien – Offices of the Saints research project.3 The records in the dataset will expand gradually to include the complete set of antiphons and responsories underlying the Regensburg research project and other collections such as the melodies and texts edited for the publication series Historiae of the Cantus Planus Study Group. This is a continuation and reappraisal of earlier work completed in response to Andrew Hughes’ concerns about the limitations of electronic searches to identify and account for “the local byways that differentiate newer chant and, in theory, at least, ought to be countable.”4 The response proposed a shift of emphasis from pitch to interval data in a streamlined system for the encoding of search strings centring on interval and interval-class patterns.5 The resultant analytical procedures showed that effective electronic searches for the interval patterns and other features were indeed viable within a database environment. However, this approach disregarded Hughes’ very practical proposal that the solution for electronic searches of specifically Hankeln’s criteria would “require many quite sophisticated investigations using regular expressions.”6 The current project takes its cue from Hughes’ suggestion and does indeed employ regular 1. See Bezuidenhout and Brand, Ariadne. 2. See Hankeln 1999, 2000b, 2001a, 2001b, 2008, and 2009c; and Hiley Historia Sancti Emmerammi (Historiae 2), 1998, 2000, 2001, 2003b, 2004, 2007. 3. Hiley et al., Offices of the Saints. 4. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 507. 5. Bezuidenhout 2016. 6. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 507. 145 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS expressions as templates to filter and identify melodic fragments that meet the requirements of a number of rigorously defined analytical criteria. The analytical criteria The initial phase of the project focuses on a set of the analytical tools that were proposed in order to identify the typical markers of stylistic difference between the traditional Gregorian chant repertory and the new antiphons and great responsories that came into being from the tenth century onwards. The analytical tools include a subset of criteria that Hankeln has classified as ‘Melodiemarken’, which are characterized, per definitionem, by very specific melodic characteristics such as single interval spans of a defined size, combinations of interval patterns, scale patterns, and so forth.7 The following synopsis first concentrates on these criteria, and then points to other criteria that may be subsumed under Hankeln’s term ‘Umgebungsmarken’, thus completing the set of tools addressed by the analytical utility. Hughes provides a list of Hankeln’s criteria, drawn mainly from two of the latter’s publications.8 However, Hankeln defines the criteria much more carefully than Hughes does. The following list is provided for the sake of clarity and to define the criteria that are relevant to the project.9 Ut cecum re- spe- xit Di-o- ni- si-us13 3. Directed movement extending beyond the range of a fourth: ‘gapped scale’ interval patterns characterized by movement in the same direction, consisting of any combination of seconds and intervals larger than a second.14 con- sig- na- vit15 4. The definition of zigzag patterns (also described as ‘z-figures’) involves the following three features: (I) a downward or upward movement of at least four pitches in total with an outer interval exceeding the range of a fourth; (II) this upward or downward movement within the outer interval is interrupted by at least one countermovement in the opposite direction; (III) the inner countermovement must remain within the boundary of the outer interval.16 1. Single leaps of intervals larger than a fourth.10 Fifths outlining the final and upper fifth of a mode may have greater significance in certain contexts. salvan- Ista est gene- ra- ci- o queren- dos17 Hughes’ second music example for zigzag patterns (c-b-c-a-G), under his point 10,18 is problematic for two reasons: (I) the outer interval is a fourth and (II) the counter-movement (b-c) does not remain within the boundary of the outer interval (c-G). Later on, Hughes gives further problematic music examples. See, e.g., the zigzag pattern over Dixerunt (D-a-a-G-a-c), which is disqualified by the unison between the second and third pitches.19 ti- um11 2. Scale patterns extending beyond the range of a fourth: successions of ascending or descending seconds.12 As above, those outlining the final and upper fifth may be more significant. 13. From Hankeln 1999, 118. 7. Hankeln 2009c, 149 and note 6. 14. Hankeln 2008, 175-176. 8. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 507-509; see Hankeln 2001a, and 2008. 15. From Hankeln 2008, 167 and 176. 9. The Melodiemarken are described first, under points 1-8, after which points 9-11 cover the Umgebungsmarken. 16. Hankeln 2008, 175. 10. Hankeln 1999, 115. 17. From Hankeln 2008, 179. 11. From Hankeln 2001a, 156. 18. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 509. 12. Hankeln 1999, 115. 19. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 515. 146 147 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS 5. Leap patterns:20 a. two intervals larger than a second in the same direction: Ado- lesJe- ru- vi- in- ge- ful sit am in mu- it et If one considers Hankeln’s later comments on note repetition as factors contributing to the low melodic dynamic force of the traditional Gregorian repertory,27 the context in which such repetitions may be regarded as significant requires further clarification. The following, containing pattern 5c (or 5b without the resolution of the liquescence) if unisons are allowed for pattern formation, is provided to illustrate this type of melodic movement in a more traditional context. va22 c. 5b. with an internal interruption of a second: quo cu- ius vi- sa- lem21 b. three or more intervals larger than a second in direct succession and in any direction: gemma cens lu- men23 et Hughes’ explanation of these leap patterns, under his points 2 and 3, is problematic.24 The music example given under 2 does not meet any of the criteria and is simply a common traditional third-mode intonation formula. The description of “adjacent leaps in different directions” under 3 is too vague and would include patterns lying outside of the criteria. 6. All of the patterns described above exclude internal consecutive unison repetitions. However, a survey of Hankeln’s earliest exposition of the criteria, presented at the Cantus Planus meeting in 1998,25 and his study of the offices for Saints Henry and Kunigunde26 show some instances of unison repetition in the patterns described above under 5b and 5c: con sti- tu- is- ti28 This is a matter that a subsequent development of the analytical tools will take into consideration, allowing for single unison repetitions within words in some instances. 7. The patterns described thus far may appear within words, across one or more words and over phrase endings and beginnings. 8. ‘Subtonal’ endings, sometimes referred to as ‘Gallican cadences’:29 characterized by a melodic movement from below, typically an ascending second, but also an ascending third or an ascending fourth.30 20. Hankeln 1999, 115. 21. From Hankeln 1999, 118; note the ‘gapped scale’ and scale patterns interlinking with the pattern. 22. From Hankeln 1999, 118. 27. Hankeln 2008, 173-174. 23. From Hankeln 1999, 118. 28. From Hankeln 2008, 166. 24. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 508. 29. See Hiley in Historiae 2, xxv; 1998, 231; 2000, 451; 2001, 25; 2004, 371; 2007, 378. 25. Hankeln 2001a, 157. 30. Hankeln 1999, 119; Hankeln 2001a, 158. 26. Hankeln 2001b, 17. 31. From Hankeln 2000, 43 and 41; note the zigzag patterns with descending scales leading towards the endings. 148 e- van- ge- li- cum ec- cle-si- e31 149 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Once again, Hughes’ descriptions of the criteria calls for an excursus. He writes that Hankeln has “[generalized] the Gallican cadence […] to any motive leaping up to a repeated pitch that ‘interrupts the melodic dynamic’’.32 This description is problematic, since at this point in his article, Hankeln is not describing the ‘Gallican cadence’. It is a misrepresentation of what Hankeln and Hiley have written about this feature. 9. Polysyllabic words and phrases that begin and/or end on pitches of modal gravity: the final, fifth and upper octave of authentic modes; the final, fourth below and fifth above of plagal modes.33 Adest tes- tis di-vi- ne mise- ri- cor- di- e34 10. Octave valence:35 this refers to chants with at least the range of an octave that in the authentic modes reach the octave above and in the plagal modes extend to the fifth above the final.36 sic Wlfstanus me- ru- it as- pi-ran- te do- mi-no.37 11. Chants exhibiting a range extending beyond the octave.38 … Con- verso … ec- cle- si- e39 32. Hughes 2011-2012, vol. 2, 508 with a reference Hankeln 2008, 174. 33. Hiley in Historiae 2, xxv; 1999, 134-135; 2001, 25; 2003, 157-159; 2004, 371; Historiae 22, 375-376. 34. From Hiley 2004, 392. 35. See Hankeln 2009c, 149 for the term Oktavvalenz. BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS The type of quantitative analysis of musical texts that our new utility proposes is, of course, highly problematic. One of Hughes’ concerns was the occurrence of variants.40 See for example the many trivial and more substantial variants that Bezuidenhout attempts to account for in his edition of the Historia sancti Ludgeri (Historia 15) based on sources from a relatively narrow geographical region (the diocese of Münster in Westphalia). However, the main objective of this project is not to generalize about an unseen population of chants representing late medieval saints’ offices. It is rather a case of finding a way to make specific statements about the current data in the dataset, based on a number of very specific and clearly defined stylistic criteria. These statements are only valid for the current closed dataset. Since this is the same approach adopted by Hankeln in developing his criteria as a tool for comparing melodies within a defined dataset, we undertake to re-evaluate our results whenever additional data create a new closed dataset. Another consideration is the fact that many of the criteria defined above are already present in the traditional Gregorian chant repertory. What makes them significant in the later melodies is their higher rate of occurrence and their uncharacteristic position or placement within a melody.41 One of the objectives of this project is to re-evaluate the validity of the proposed markers. The idea is to develop a strategy for the compilation of a dictionary of traditional gestures that meet the analytical criteria outlined above and, ultimately, to exclude them as significant markers or indices. In addition, one should also be wary of applying criteria derived from the observation of one chant genre to another genre. Consequently, analytical results will clearly delineate the boundaries within which the style criteria are applied, not only between the broad genres of antiphons and great responsories, but also between the internal divisions of responds and verses, and the liturgical position of the antiphons. The dataset As pointed out in the introduction, the dataset around which this utility is being built is itself under development. In our dataset, chant melodies are encoded as characters in the freely available Volpiano TrueType font,42 so facilitating the representation of those melodies in printed output. This method of encoding is widely employed, not only in chant research, but also in the representation of musical notation in many commercial music publishing software packages.43 Our ‘Melody’ field thus contains a string 36. Hiley in Historiae 2, xxv; 2004, 371. 40. Hughes 2014b, vol. 2, 510. 37. From Hiley 2001, 32; a third-mode example. 41. See Hankeln 2001a, 159. 38. Hankeln 2009c, 149. 42. Fabian Weber, Volpiano. 39. From Hankeln 2001b, 13. 43. See W3C Music Notation Community Group, A brief history of music fonts. 150 151 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND of character codes which appear as arbitrary alphanumeric sequences when viewed as conventional text, but as musical notation when viewed as characters in the Volpiano font. The encoding employed thus has as its primary purpose the representation of the melody rather than its attributes as a melody.44 This has the notable advantage of making the dataset accessible to any users who might wish to peruse the data with any application capable of manipulating delimited text files, be it a table in a word processor or database application, or a worksheet in a spreadsheet application. However, the Volpiano font design has also preserved (with minor exceptions) the proximity of adjacent pitches in the character table encoding. In fact, the font maps the height of melodic pitches onto a metric space having a perfectly linear distance function,45 save for two minor perturbations. Specifically, the character codes that correspond to adjacent pitches are themselves adjacent (in the integer sense), save for discontinuities between character codes 57 and 97 (representing the lowest ‘g’ and ‘a’ pitches available), and between character codes 104 and 106 (representing ‘a’ and ‘b’ pitches in the middle of the stave). We introduce a trivial translation to address these discontinuities, to extract intervallic patterns, and ultimately to categorize patterns according to classes. Interleaved with the pitches of the chant melody, and in keeping with a focus on representation, standard delimiters are inserted to indicate syllable boundaries (Volpiano ‘--’, character code 45), words (‘---’) and phrases (‘----’). Each ‘Melody’ field is also bounded by a treble clef at the start (Volpiano ‘1’) and a double bar-line at the end (Volpiano ‘4’). As of this writing, none of the liquescent note-heads are being employed in this encoding, though provision has already been made in the utility for their inclusion at some point in the future. Table 1 below details the initial structure of the data. The texts associated with each chant are included in syllabified form, i.e. they are hyphenated at syllabic boundaries. It is a simple matter to recover the original text from this, as might be required for textual searches, should such be deemed desirable. Each chant is also labelled by feast, repertory, and mode, along with an ‘OGP’ field hat currently concatenates ‘Office’, ‘Genre’, and ‘Position’ designators. This compound field, whilst it identifies the liturgical place and position of a chant, is a temporary solution for a problem encountered while converting the original data that existed as word processor tables and PDF image files into the current delimited text format. In time, this field will be split into its components, following the conventions of the Cantus database ‘Office’, ‘Genre’, and ‘Position’ fields. Finally, each record is assigned a unique integer as an identifier in the database. Strictly speaking, this is unnecessary since each record should already be uniquely determined by a concatenation of the ‘Repertory’ and ‘OGP’ fields, and a unique identifier would more reliably be generated by the utility upon importing records. However, since development has proceeded at separate sites, it has proven to be convenient to retain the ‘ID’ field (if only for the moment) for the purposes of comparison and editing. 44. In other words, sequences of characters in the Volpiano font are intended exclusively for display as ‘human-readable’ notation, and any musical characteristic of the pitches being encoded which might be extracted from this encoding is somewhat fortuitous. 45. Within the domain of a numerical problem, a distance function provides a measure of the effective separation between any two elements in that domain. When that measure depends solely on distance between the elements, and not on the position of either of the elements within the domain, then that is a linear distance function. This contrasts with, for instance, a logarithmic distance function, as would be required to describe the perception of musical intervals in terms of their constituent frequencies in Hertz. 152 – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS Table 1 Field Function Mode Identifies the mode of a chant ID Primary key consisting of a unique number Repertory Identifies the feast repertory OGP Identifies the liturgical place and position of a chant Melody Volpiano encoding of the pitch data of the chant melody with delimiters (Volpiano ‘-’) for syllables (‘--’), words (‘---’) and phrases (‘----’) Text A ‘syllabified’ version of the chant text Additional information Repertory + OGP = unique key to sort data according to feast repertory and liturgical ordering The content of each of these fields is packaged in a standard comma-delimited text file,46 and so forms the initial input into the utility. The assembly of this file is particularly labour-intensive, being subject to meticulous manual editing and validation. The integrity of the dataset is paramount at this point, since little attention has been given to data validation in the utility as yet. This aspect will receive attention in due course, and might contribute to an eventual easing of the currently strict data requirements. The application architecture In this section we describe the infrastructural components upon which the utility is built, and account for some of the architectural decisions taken, particularly the decision to build a ‘thin-client’ solution. Thin-client solutions typically consist of a powerful server, which centralizes the most demanding processing needs, and at least one client, often no more than 46. See Shafranovich, Common Format and MIME Type for CSV Files. 153 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND a web browser on a low-specification computing workstation.47 Client(s) and server are connected via a networking technology of some sort, most notably the Internet. Equally, the server role may be performed by some form of distributed or cloud-computing technology (such as a server farm), and the solution might support a wide range of potential clients, including smartphones and wearables built on various operating systems. While early thin-client solutions were constrained by the relatively modest processing power available to endusers, modern clients are generally far better resourced. Over time this has led to the development of increasingly sophisticated presentation options, with many application tasks that formerly leveraged the processing power of a server now allocated to the client instead.48 Such client-side processing is typically implemented by means of JavaScript. The tool presented here employs the LAMP architecture,49 such being a versatile and popular option upon which to build open-source thin-client solutions. Our utility then exists as a suite of electronic documents containing HTML markup, CSS directives and JavaScript code50 (which are visible to the client) alongside PHP code (which is visible only to the server). PHP drives the application logic, dynamically generating HTML markup in response to client requests, and is solely responsible for all database interactions. We furthermore employ JQuery, DataTables, Sparklines and MathJax JavaScript libraries in order to meet our presentation layer requirements. While this architecture makes no claims to being ‘state-of-the-art’, it is a mature, well-proven option that provides amply for our needs here. Thin-client solutions have the advantage of requiring very little of their users beyond a standard smartphone, tablet, or notepad, and are particularly well suited to programmes of open research that favour large-scale collaboration between participants with widely divergent resource bases. The database schema A ‘flat-file’ data format records all data elements and all desired attributes and descriptors together as a self-contained record. The initial data input into this utility employs such a ‘flat-file’ representation. Alhough this has enjoyed renewed interest of late, our approach is rather to employ a relational database management system (RDBMS).51 In this section we discuss the translation of chant data from a ‘flat-file’ to a relational representation. In the main, an RDBMS provides for the abstraction of a data element into various tables, each listing the values that may be taken by a particular data attribute. The whole data element, then, is encoded by a set of links between these tables. Despite the additional complexity, such a representation is typically more compact and efficient, and reveals inherent data structures. Programmes of electronic data capture of chant have historically produced datasets in various flat-file formats,52 wherein the data is consistent but highly redundant, and having little internal structure as such. Such a file typically needs to be ‘normalized’ in order to effectively exploit database technologies. This would seek to reduce redundancy, thus increasing efficiency, but also to make implicit data relationships explicit. In the context of this research, a number of the data attributes suggest application of these principles in straightforward ways. A number of records would share the same ‘Repertory’ designation, for instance, whilst both ‘Mode’ and ‘Genre’ are taken from an even smaller range of possible values. Conventionally then, such fields would be designated as foreign keys linking these records to the primary keys of master tables. Alhough useful, these strategies fail to have a significant impact on the more novel problem at hand, and thus fall outside the scope of this project at this time. As mentioned above, the abstraction of ‘flat-file’ data into a structured schema is usually driven by the notion of ‘normalization’, a set of principles which together seek to reduce redundancy and enhance the integrity of the data.53 As will be seen below, we violate these same principles frequently, since our focus is, in this particular project, merely on providing proof-of-concept for a particular kind of computer-assisted pattern matching. Repertory names, for instance, have not been relocated to their own table, violating second normal form (2NF). We violate third normal form (3NF) by introducing an additional column (Sanitised) which is derived from the ‘Melody’ column. In both cases (and others), these prescripts prove to be irrelevant to the task at hand. Our approach is highly redundant at the very outset, given that we start by exhaustively extracting every 47. See Ansari 2008, 1-14. 48. As an example: browsing thousands of records on a website was previously done by the client requesting a page at a time, and the server responding with only those records requested. Each paging operation would thus initiate a separate exchange between client and server. A more recent implementation of such an application would have the server respond with all the relevant records at once, and allow the client to handle the task of presenting them in a page-by-page interface. 49. LAMP is an acronym for ‘Linux – Apache – MySQL – PHP’ and refers to the co-deployment of these open source technologies as part of a software solution’s architecture. Briefly, Linux is the operating system employed, Apache enables the serving of ‘web content’ to browsers, MySQL provides database services, and PHP is a powerful programming language (by its own definition, a ‘Hypertext Preprocessor’) that is used to drive most of the application logic required by a solution. 50. Modern web design favours the separation of content, presentation and application logic. HTML (Hypertext Markup Language) defines the structure of a document by enveloping content in defined tags. CSS (Cascading Style Sheets) define the visual attributes that will be applied to components identified in the HTML document. JavaScript is a programming language wherein the client may be instructed to perform arbitrarily complex instructions in interacting with the user. 154 51. – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS See Date 2004, 60-64. 52. Datasets obtained from the Cantus database and from Hughes’ Late medieval liturgical offices are both cases in point. 53. See Date 2004, 357-364. 155 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND possible melodic figure of every possible length from the dataset. Future work may revisit such brute force approaches, and might conceivably yield a more conventional harnessing of database technology, should such prove to offer more efficient solutions to this particular problem space. From the encoded melodies we first extract ‘sanitised’ versions of the same, in the sense that these contain only those characters that represent melodic pitches (no clefs, barlines, spaces, etc.). This step actually increases the redundancy (and size) of the database, but from a performance point of view it is preferable to repeated real-time filtering of the melodies at every later processing step. The sanitised melodies then constitute a new field, from which we exhaustively extract all melodic fragments of every length.54 The resulting table, containing a single instance of every melodic fragment that actually occurs in the dataset (of whatever length), is then parsed to extract diatonic interval structures for each pattern. Patterns that share the same intervals, albeit at different relative pitch height, are represented by the same entry in this new interval table. Thus the number of interval patterns is somewhat less than the number of melodic patterns. The interval table is then parsed to identify particular pattern classes, based upon their general intervallic characteristics, and identified by means of regular expressions. Each record in the pattern table is linked to its derived record in the intervals table (many-toone), and each record in the intervals table is similarly linked to a record in the classes table (also many-to-one). A many-to-many relationship between melodies and patterns is then resolved by the insertion of a joining MasterPatterns table, with each record therein indicating the occurrence of a particular pattern in a particular melody at a particular position. Again, the search space is reduced, since we only consider those patterns that have been classified in terms of their intervallic structures. Finally, we traverse the records found in this way to construct composite patterns wherever overlaps occur. These, too, are added to the MasterPatterns table. The Entity Relationship Diagram (ERD) shown below (Figure 1) is a standard way of illustrating the database structure which results.55 Dismantling the melodic data into the database structure described above immediately serves up answers to certain basic questions and responds very efficiently to many others. For instance, it is now a trivial matter to ask: “How many times does a particular melodic configuration occur in the dataset?” One might then easily group and count those occurrences according to an arbitrary combination of other characteristics, such as Repertory, Mode, or Genre, or list them against the text to which they have been set. With a little more work, one might enquire whether such a figure tends to occur early or late in a chant, or whether such is typically preceded or followed by some other specific pattern. Since different patterns (in absolute pitch terms) might be linked by virtue of having a common intervallic structure, questions may be posed in either absolute or relative terms. To summarize, our database schema models melodic patterns as particular instances of intervallic patterns, and intervallic patterns as instances of pattern classes. The table of melodic patterns is joined in a many-to-many relationship with the master table of chants by an intervening master-patterns table. This schema trivially supports queries regarding the quantity and location of specific melodic patterns, intervallic patterns, and pattern classes within the dataset. 54. A melodic fragment is here understood to be absolutely any sequence of pitches occurring consecutively (without interruption) in a chant melody. 55. The so-called ‘Hungarian’ naming conventions employed here are archaic, but ultimately arbitrary. A standard text on database theory (such as Date 2004) will readily explain the notational conventions employed. 156 – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS Figure 1. Entity Relationship Diagram (ERD) The algorithms In the following two sections, we review the rationale and the methods employed to extract the patterns sought and to analyze the data produced. Building the database We have retained the flat-file character of the initial data file in order to preserve the visibility of that data in the schema. However, the Volpianoencoded chant melody is punctuated by various characters that are superfluous to our pattern recognition effort. We therefore introduced an additional field (called ‘Sanitised’) which contains a stripped-down version of the ‘Melody’ field, specifically one without any additional clef, barline, accidental or spacing characters. We initially computed this field afresh in response to each query, as is required to maintain 2NF, but found that this compromised database 157 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND performance significantly. This is so because such a text value would typically require indexing in order to optimize query performance, but few RDBMSs allow for the indexing of user-defined function output. This example aptly illustrates how best-practice principles are sometimes at odds with more pragmatic performance issues. We similarly defer normalization opportunities with regard to the ‘Repertory’, ‘Mode’, and ‘OGP’ fields to later work, such being superfluous here. Our procedure for populating the database thus begins by importing a delimited text file into our Master table, whereupon we immediately populate our Sanitised field as mentioned above. Our early attempts had set about extracting patterns from the chant melodies by passing those melodies through scripted procedures that recorded the patterns found. Our current attempt has approached the problem more broadly by initially extracting every possible pattern from the dataset, classifying each of those patterns according to the criteria discussed above, and then discarding those that do not meet any of the criteria. The remaining patterns are then linked to their occurrences in the database. All of the aforementioned processing steps proceed automatically, requiring little or no human interaction. This ‘brute-force’ approach would seem intractable at first, but it is brought within the bounds of computability by the following observation: every pattern of n notes is formed by the overlap of two patterns of n – 1 notes. The search space is significantly reduced by restricting the algorithm accordingly. Patterns are extracted iteratively, first single notes, then two-note patterns containing combinations of those two notes, then three-note patterns formed by overlapping the found two-note patterns, and so on. Unisons are also excluded from consideration, further limiting the number of cases to be evaluated. In the absence of any constraint, we might have imagined the number of possible melodic patterns to be infinite. Here, though, we are immediately constrained by our use of the Volpiano character set, which provides only twenty distinct pitches (accidentals aside), so there are precisely twenty possible single-note patterns. As it turns out, in the dataset we have employed, only eighteen of those pitches are actually used. We now consider the set of all possible two-note melodic patterns. Here we might expect 20 × 20 = 400 such patterns, but this is reduced by two observations: we have already established that only eighteen of the available pitches are being used, reducing the number to 18 × 18 = 324; and unisons are specifically being excluded from consideration at this stage, further reducing the number of candidates to 323. In fact, we find just 131 patterns, which should not be wholly surprising considering that we were anticipating the potential for patterns which might leap two octaves or more! At this point we may introduce an additional observation: that no three-note pattern that does not consist of an overlap of two of the two-note patterns already found can exist in the dataset. We do not, therefore, need to consider 20 × 20 × 20 = 8,000 possible three-note patterns. Only those two-note patterns which start on one of the eighteen pitches used need to be tagged on to each of the two-note patterns which end on that same pitch to produce a three-note candidate. We find 581 of these. A search space which, at first glance, suggests 4.97 × 1093 candidates,56 is iteratively reduced in this way to produce 170,190 unique melodic patterns ranging in length from two to seventy-two notes. We now reduce the unique melodic patterns to produce 138,917 unique intervallic patterns, each consisting of a series of signed numbers indicating the direction and distance to the next note of the pattern. This representation makes it possible to classify patterns according to most of the criteria set out above simply by employing regular expressions. Briefly, regular expressions are a versatile way of expressing templates against which to search text. While a simple search for ‘cat’ might find ‘catholic’, ‘vacation’ and ‘magnificat’, a regular expression search for ‘^.+[bcp]at$’ would match any paragraph ending on the letters ‘bat’, ‘cat’ or ‘pat’.57 All of the intervallic patterns we search through consist of sequences of signed, single-digit integers, and so a search for ‘([+-] [23456789])+’ will match any unbroken sequence of positive or negative digits except +1 and –1. A search for ‘(–1){4,}’, on the other hand, will only match a sequence of at least four –1s, i.e. a stepwise descending scale traversing at least a fifth. The precise regular expressions used to extract each of the pattern classes are listed below, along with the number of matching patterns found in the current dataset (Table 2). 158 – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS Table 2 Class Regular Expression Patterns Leap ^([+-][23456789])+([+-][23456789]|[+-][23456789][+-]1| [+-]1[+-][23456789])([+-][23456789])+$ 823 Trichord ^(\+[23456789]\+[23456789]|-[23456789]-[23456789])$ 15 Scale ^((\+1){4,}|(-1){4,})$ 8 Direct Movement ^((\+[23456789](\+1){2,})|(-[23456789](-1){2,})| ((\+1){2,}\+[23456789])|((-1){2,}-[23456789])| ((\+1)+\+[23456789](\+1)+)|((-1)+-[23456789](-1)+))$ 69 Interval ^([+-][456789])$ 8 Zigzag ^((((\+[[:digit:]])+(-[[:digit:]])+)+(\+[[:digit:]])+)| (((-[[:digit:]])+(\+[[:digit:]])+)+(-[[:digit:]])+))$ 1639 56. This is the number of 72-note melodic combinations which may be constructed with 20 distinct pitches, calculated as 2072. 57. A discussion of the various standard operators routinely employed in regular expressions is beyond the scope of this article, but such information is readily available in a variety of textbooks and on many websites. Consider, for instance, Fitzgerald 2012 and Goyvaerts Regular-expressions.info. 159 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND In the case of zigzag patterns, we find it necessary to introduce some additional logic beyond what is expressible in a regular expression. We therefore submit each candidate pattern, identified by matching the regular expression, to further scrutiny by a user-defined function. This function checks that the inner contours of the pattern do not meet or exceed the starting and ending pitches, and that the overall range exceeds a fourth. If this function replies in the affirmative, then the pattern is tagged as a zigzag pattern. Once we have determined which patterns meet our criteria, we record the position of every occurrence of such a pattern throughout the dataset in the Master-Patterns table. In our case, we found and linked 22,704 pure pattern occurrences in the current set of 1,697 chants. We also recorded 2,071 composite patterns, being patterns that are composed of overlapping pure patterns. These combinations are also added as additional classes in our Classes table. Finally, we remove all 163,591 melodic and associated intervallic patterns that have not yet been classified. This leaves us with forty-five pattern classes (the original six plus thirty-nine additional composite patterns), 4,164 intervallic patterns, 6,511 melodic patterns, and 24,775 distinct occurrences of these. The user interface Data presentation inevitably requires compromises that seek to balance comprehensiveness and richness of detail against clarity and ease of use. In the following section, we present our initial design and implementation of a prototype user interface. We have elected to present information at six distinct levels: a view of the entire dataset, listing each feast repertory; a view of any specific repertory, listing each chant; a view of each chant, listing the patterns occurring therein; a view of each intervallic pattern, listing its occurrences throughout the dataset; a view of each pattern class, listing the various patterns that constitute it; and an alternative view of the entire dataset, this time by pattern class. At each level, descriptive attributes and pertinent statistics are presented. The user navigates through the various levels by clicking on items of interest, or by selecting one of the options provided at the top of the page. In particular, it is possible to select which of the six pattern classes should be included in all pattern coverage statistics. Composite patterns are automatically included if all of their component patterns are included. The ‘Repertories’ page presents an overview of pattern coverage throughout the entire dataset. A table that lists the name of each feast repertory is presented, a pie chart showing the overall pattern coverage for that repertory, a boxand-whisker plot indicating the distribution of the pattern coverage statistic throughout the repertory, the number of chants in the repertory, and the average pattern coverage for the repertory with its standard deviation. The boxand-whisker plot shows compactly this average as a faint blue marker over the median (red line), interquartile ranges (the box) and outliers (small circles), and enables easy comparison of pattern coverage statistics. As with any of the other columns marked by faint triangles pointing up and down, clicking on the column heading will effect a ranking of feast repertories by this statistic. Hovering the mouse pointer over any of the pie charts or box-and-whisker plots causes a ‘popup tooltip window’ to appear, which lists the actual values being represented. At the top of the page one may elect to consider all genres, only antiphons, only responsory responds, only responsory verses or only responsory responds combined with their associated verses. One may also choose which pattern classes are of interest. Clicking on any of the repertory names takes one to the ‘Chants’ page. On the ‘Chants’ page, it is again possible to indicate one’s interest in particular pattern classes or genres. A drop-down list also allows one to jump directly to another repertory, and a button is provided with which to jump back to the ‘Repertories’ page discussed above. The table on this page lists the mode, assigned OGP identifier, and calculated pattern coverage, alongside a colourcoded representation of the chant itself. From this representation one can Analysing the data All statistical insights derive from the comparison of a measure to some implicit or explicit standard. Various statistical measures may be built to describe our dataset in terms of the patterns found. Chief amongst these is our notion of ‘pattern coverage’, referring to the number of pitches in a chant that are subsumed in patterns, expressed as a percentage of the total number of pitches in the same chant. Given that our database schema trivially supports the listing of all pattern occurrences in a given chant, pattern coverage amounts to finding the union of these patterns, and expressing the length of this in relation to the overall length of the chant.58 The pattern coverage statistic may readily be calculated by hand for any single chant, but it becomes tedious to do so for the whole repertory of a particular feast repertory, or for a genre or mode, or even for the entire dataset. Such a larger-scale statistic may reasonably supply a standard against which to compare any individual statistic, and we therefore implement such a measure as a user-defined function. Supplementary insights might also be reached by seeing the pattern coverage overlaid upon the chant, and this is similarly implemented. Furthermore, we take an interest in patterns that span precisely the fifth above or fourth below the final, or the octave between those two extremes, or the octave above or below the final. This test, too, is implemented as a user-defined function. 58. 160 For a comparable approach, see Hankeln’s discussion of ‘Dichte’ and ‘Länge’ in 2001a, 159; and 2009c, 148-149. – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS 161 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BEZUIDENHOUT AND BRAND also see the spread of pattern coverage throughout a chant. Options are also provided for highlighting points of ‘modal gravity’ within patterns, and at the start and end of words and phrases, as well as highlighting instances of ‘subtonal endings’. The box-and-whisker plot and pie chart in the footer of the table repeat the statistics given in respect of this repertory on the ‘Repertories’ page for convenient comparison. Sorting is effected as above, by clicking on the headings of marked columns. It may be noted here that some responsory verses have been marked by appending an ‘X’ to the Mode field. These are responsory verses that follow traditional recitation tone formulae and are thus identified as falling outside the scope of what is being investigated. They are thus excluded from all pattern coverage statistics, although we do indicate the occurrence and position of patterns in such chants on the ‘Chant’ page, which may be reached by clicking on the notated chant. The ‘Chant’ page places the focus more specifically on the individual chant, and particularly on the patterns that have been found in it. Once again, the user may choose to include only certain pattern classes, and a button is provided with which to jump back to the ‘Chants’ page. Once again, points of ‘modal gravity’ and ‘subtonal endings’ may also be highlighted by selecting the options provided. In the main, however, this page shows the chant with a pattern analysis below. Hovering the mouse pointer over any of these patterns highlights the location of that pattern in the chant, and, if the pattern is a composite pattern, reveals the pure patterns which combine to form it. Each pattern is labelled by a tag indicating its pattern class and a count of its occurrences throughout the dataset. Furthermore, patterns which span precisely the interval between the final of the mode and its fifth on either side, or between these two fifths, or those which span precisely the octave above or below the final are marked. Clicking on any of the patterns takes one to the ‘Pattern’ page. The ‘Pattern’ page lists all of the occurrences of a particular intervallic pattern throughout the dataset. At the top of the page the pattern is shown in terms of its intervallic representation and classification, possibly alongside a button with which to return to the ‘Chant’ page. The total number of occurrences found for this particular pattern is listed at the bottom of the page. Each occurrence is shown alongside its associated repertory, mode and OGP assignment. A pie chart also expresses the length of the pattern in relation to the length of the entire chant. Yet again, options are provided to reveal points of ‘modal gravity’ and ‘subtonal endings’. The pattern is shown, highlighted in colour, in the context of the chant within which it occurs. From this vantage point, and having arrived here by way of some particular chant (see ‘Chant’ page, above), one may make a detour to explore other chants containing the same pattern by clicking on such a chant in the table. An alternate view of the data is presented by starting on the ‘Classes’ page. Here are shown the six pure interval classes, along with all composite classes. Each class is accompanied by a count of the occurrences of patterns from that class throughout the dataset, and also a count per repertory. Moreover, this view of the data can be filtered to include only antiphons, responsory responds, responsory verses, or all chants. Clicking on the name or tag of any pattern class effects a jump to the ‘Patterns’ page. The ‘Patterns’ page lists each intervallic pattern found in the dataset that belongs to a particular pattern class. The intervals that comprise each pattern are shown in diatonic steps, so that +1 and –1 correspond to a single step up or down, respectively, +2 and –2 correspond to a third up or down, respectively, and so on. Alongside this are listed the number of times that the pattern is encountered throughout the dataset, and also in each repertory, individually. As before, the tallies may be filtered to apply only to a particular genre, or to all chants in the dataset. Once again, a button is provided with which to return to the ‘Classes’ page, whilst clicking on a particular pattern takes one to the ‘Pattern’ page. The ‘Pattern’ page has already been discussed above, save to mention that arriving here from the ‘Patterns’ page provides the user with a ‘Back to pattern class…’ button, rather than a ‘Back to chant…’ button. Overall, the interface has been designed to mirror closely the underlying structural levels of the database schema. Whilst this is prudent as a point of departure, it is certainly not the only valid approach, and further development will explore, inter alia, novel visualisation and search techniques that may relinquish such structural parallels in favour of a more intuitive exploration of the data. Earlier work on melodic similarity59 may be revisited in the light of more recent pattern-matching techniques. 162 – A WEB-BASED INTERFACE FOR THE COMPUTATIONAL ANALYSIS Conclusion Development on this project is ongoing. The current phase will continue updating the dataset, and enhancing the functionality and the look-and-feel of the utility. The next phase will expand the interface to allow a user to input new chant data for comparison with the existing dataset. As a first proposal, this will require that the user input the chant text, which the utility will then syllabify and present back to the user for the input of melody, syllable by syllable. This process will be streamlined and graphical, to allow for relatively quick and intuitive data entry. The version of the utility described herein may be reviewed at <http://chant. musictechnology.co.za/ariadne-1.0>. The latest current version will generally be found at <http://chant.musictechnology.co.za/ariadne>. 59. Mark Brand, 2005. 163 Kate Helsen Western University Working with the research legacy of Andrew Hughes After a long and complicated battle with heart failure, Andrew Hughes died on 23 December 2013. Chant scholars around the world recognize him as a pioneer and tireless advocate of computer-aided research in medieval musicology – truly a ‘legend in his own time’. To the wider musicological community, he is known as the author of books such as Medieval Music: the Sixth Liberal Art (1974), or Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office (1982), which are still frequently used as reference texts. As an early adopter of computer technology in the field of chant research in the 1970s and 1980s, Hughes began collecting, and then digitally encoding, information about late medieval saints’ offices on 3.5 inch diskettes. He published them, along with two large-print volumes concerning their use, in the early 1990s as the Late Medieval Liturgical Offices (LMLO). Although frustrating at times (he loved to recount the story of crashing the University of Toronto’s mainframe by attempting to sort 400 chant incipits), he remained convinced of the advantages of this technology, mostly because it allowed him to expand the number of chants and offices he included in his databases and analyses. Perhaps a better way to put it is that he saw the potential for computers to help him, even though a considerable portion of his research life was spent simply struggling with them; if he was not carefully optimizing a database system for his very particular needs, he was racing to update it with the latest software, for the latest system requirements. While we cleaned out one of his offices after his death, his daughter said, “Dad loved computers, but he hated them, too,” handing me a box of eight hard drives. In his last decade, he had largely accepted the inevitable; many of his research files were in antiquated formats and difficult to run on modern machines. When I worked with him he was constantly torn between updating his older research and continuing with his new projects; he tended towards the latter. Three days before he died, Andrew and I went over the proofs for the first volume of The Becket Offices, which was originally conceived as the first of a multivolume set chronicling every aspect of the offices for Thomas Becket, complete with a huge dataset, burned on a set of DVDs. This paradigm of ‘book + disk’ is the way most of his œuvre is structured. Over the years, most chant scholars have become familiar with the printed resources, but less so with the 165 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HELSEN digital data they exist to describe. The following centres on this digital data, and how it is currently being reframed and formatted in order to be more accessible and widely useful. Figure 1. Hughes’ Late Medieval Liturgical Offices data file showing the beginning of Charlemagne’s office as text The Late Medieval Liturgical Offices (LMLO) The LMLO contains several different types of information about 1500 late medieval offices. Some of these offices are made up of more than thirty chants, but some have only four or five. There are two print volumes, published in 1994 and 1996 respectively; volume 1 is devoted to chant texts and volume 2 is concerned with the manuscripts and the chants themselves. Accompanying these volumes are nine digital files, five connected with volume 1 and four for volume 2. The print volumes contain, in Hughes’ own words, “numerous excruciatingly long lists and intimidating short forms”1 that I will largely ignore here. It suffices to know that Hughes developed these long lists and short forms in an effort to control his evergrowing databases. His hope was that the handbooks would complement the data files when they were used by other researchers, thereby expediting their initiation into his encoding methods. In time, it was clear to him that the codes had an unfortunate obfuscating effect as well; in his ‘Quick Reference Guide’, he admits that “compiling this excruciatingly comprehensive list brought home the untidy linguistic universe that was created over the decades”.2 He made several attempts during his life to update, simplify, and reissue, with varying degrees of success. The LMLO data files that have received the most attention in the past year, in an effort to ‘unlock’ their secrets, are: 1. the file containing the approximately 2800 chant texts (Figure 1 shows a sample of the entry for Charlemagne’s office) and, 2. those same chant texts interspersed with Hughes’ numeric encoding of the melody (the same section of Charlemagne’s office, now with numeric melodic encoding, is shown in Figure 2). Before going further, it seems appropriate to insert a short tutorial on Hughes’ way of encoding melodies into strings of numbers. Although he was certainly not the first person to transcribe pitches as numbers3, his encoding system is idiosyncratic enough that the print volumes of the LMLO are required reading if one wants to ‘crack his code’. Hughes’ encoding system does not take into account, or try to depict, the various types of notation in which the chants were written, but a few extra signs indicate note groupings, if they are clear and significant enough in the original manuscript to be candidates for useful 1. Hughes 2014a, 9. 2. Hughes 1994 (LMLO vol. 1), 217. – WORKING WITH THE RESEARCH LEGACY OF ANDREW HUGHES Figure 2. Hughes’ Late Medieval Liturgical Offices data file showing the beginning of Charlemagne’s office in numeric-melodic encoding 3. See Bisaro 2015 for an explanation, with images from various editions of several seventeenth-century numeric encodings of chant melodies, mostly developed for monks with a weak musical background. 166 167 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HELSEN reproduction. Generally, his encoding is restricted to information about pitches and syllabification. Since it would be impractical to represent individual pitches with unique numbers or symbols, as this would range over several octaves, each pitch is numbered relative to the Final of its mode. The Final itself is represented as 1. Figure 3 shows how the numerals are distributed across the usual ranges for modes 1 and 2. his appetite for long lists and endless abbreviations is as attractive to computer scientists as it is intimidating to chant scholars. When it comes to ‘translating’ Hughes’ encoding into the versatile, open-source, XML-based musical notation language called the Music Encoding Initiative (MEI), it seems that Hughes’ relentless attention to detail ensured the success of the translation. Figure 3. Hughes’ numeric encoding key The series of numerals at the bottom then outline the tune for Greensleeves: 134565420123110120*. Added to the numerical encoding of pitches, some grammatical signs mark textual elements, such as syllable change (full stop) and rhyming word (semicolon). A few other typographical signs denote extra information about the melody; clearly identifiable groups of pitches are set off from each other in the same melisma using a ‘tick’, a comma indicates that the number preceding the comma is a plicated pitch, a flat sign is <, and a quilisma is represented by the curly equals sign after the number-pitch on which it is found. In some cases, a graphic interruption of the melody is indicated with ″. In cases where a melisma goes on for longer than his database field could (initially) accommodate, he developed a method of inserting # where he was obliged to stop, then completing the melisma and marking it with another # at the end of the record. Armed with this information, and acquainted with the examples in the print volumes by way of encouragement, the chant scholar has, theoretically, all she or he needs to access just under 3000 chants in the late medieval repertoire. But in the interests of practicality, I have been working with a team of computer scientists this summer on a project to encode the encoding, as it were, and ultimately produce an edition of the LMLO chants in what we might call ‘normal’ notation. It turns out that Hughes’ attention to computer protocol and 168 – WORKING WITH THE RESEARCH LEGACY OF ANDREW HUGHES The Music Encoding Initiative is a language: an encoding system made up of a set of fundamental rules, but flexible enough to express anything. And like a living language, it is ‘open source’ – that is, everything required to learn it and use it is freely available. There is a widespread community of MEI ‘speakers’ and even a small regulatory board to oversee the creation of new methods of expression. The rules that govern MEI concern hierarchy. This is because it is part of the XML family of computer languages: ‘Extensible Mark-up Language’. Marking up a piece of text for the purposes of good formatting, when printed, depends on hierarchical thinking. A page of text could include a title, under which there might be a subtitle, under which there will be a paragraph, within which are sentences, within which are words, within which are letters, and so on. The ‘extensible’ in XML means that this hierarchical thinking can be expanded to include other kinds of graphics, alphabets, pictures, etc. Anything described as a set of hierarchical relationships can be expressed as XML. Traditional MEI describes all the facets of one note of music in a particular order, as shown in Figure 4. Figure 4. Example of Music Encoding Initiative schema for modern notation Here, we see two beamed quavers, described as a set of attributes, including stem direction (in this case, that direction is “up”), the alphabetic name of the pitch (“pname”), the duration of the pitch in question (“8” for eighth notes (quavers)), and the particular octave of the pitch (here, the fourth octave from the bottom of what MEI allows.) These attributes are specified in the order 169 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HELSEN – WORKING WITH THE RESEARCH LEGACY OF ANDREW HUGHES in which the notes appear, all within two ‘beam’ indications at the outer left. Specifications for clef, time signature, etc. are given at a higher level. Several different schemas, or ‘grammars’ have been developed within the MEI community to express notation other than modern styles, including mensural notation and tablature. Using sets of modifications oriented towards the information that Hughes encoded in his LMLO files, a doctoral student currently studying at McGill University, Yaolong Ju, was able to convert the LMLO .txt files to MEI, in a matter of weeks. This MEI was then rendered in a musical engraving program called Verovio4, producing the resulting score as shown in Figure 5. variants out of thousands if not millions of samples, but this will be possible only if all the encoding meets certain standards before that day arrives. Hughes, however, undertook his research before MEI was developed, and so he created his own encoding for melodies to be stored (and sorted, and compared,) by the computers of decades past. While the sheer volume of data Hughes produced in his LMLO numerical encoding might strike a musicologist as intimidating, it does have one distinct advantage: everything is regulated by strict rules, precisely ordered and encoded in such a way that both human and machine can understand the data and their context. In the words of one computer scientist at Western University, Mark Daley, who has helped me significantly with mining Hughes’ numerically encoded data without rendering it in notation first, “This is Christmas!” By picking off what Daley calls the “low-hanging fruit” in these files, we have been able to formulate questions about, and get results for, literally thousands of chants in a matter of seconds. To get an idea of how one might look for common melodic gestures in thousands of chant melodies, Daley wrote a small program that computed the number of times each two-note, three-note and four-note motif occurs in each chant. Based on this, each chant was assigned a ‘feature vector’. The next step compares each chant’s feature vector to all other chants’ feature vectors; if a pair of chants have very similar vectors, they get a value close to 1. If they are not similar, they get a value close to 0. The results can be presented as a matrix, as shown in Figure 6, a matrix depicting all mode 2 chants (of every genre) in the LMLO, where 1 is depicted in red and 0 in blue. Each row of the matrix represents one chant. Figure 5. Sample of image made from a short Hughes’ numeric encoded string, converted into MEI and rendered in Verovio The advantage of first converting the LMLO files into MEI, even if that MEI will then be rendered as traditional notation, is that XML is versatile and widespread; where one researcher might like to hear the MEI rendered in a midi file, another might like to study the Verovio score, while another could query the MEI itself for pitch patterns or the frequencies of certain words. MEI is quickly becoming the standard for expressing musical scores in a machine-readable format. As digital musicology matures as a subdiscipline and projects begin to connect online, idiosyncratic methods should be replaced by accessibility and clarity. As more and more digital images of manuscripts become freely available online, it becomes ever more important to agree, now, on how we will encode the information contained in them. One of the attractions of digital encoding in MEI is the hope that one day we will be able to compare vast amounts of musical data – chant with chant, whole manuscript with whole manuscript – and isolate 4. 170 <http://www.verovio.org/index.xhtml>. Figure 6. Mode 2 melodic similarity matrix (red: similar; blue: different) 171 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HELSEN Each column also represents a single chant; the entry at row 5, column 10 answers the question, “How similar is Chant 5 to Chant 10?”. The diagonal of the matrix is ‘1’ (red) since each chant is 100% similar to itself. Using this visual means, the musicologist could hone in on particular places where she or he sees very similar (or red) chants to study the melody sub-types they represent. Extending this technique, Figure 7 shows the result of comparing all chants in modes 1, 2, 7, and 8 according to the same principles of small melodic motifs. is the result of a partnership between Mark Daley and myself, supervising an interdisciplinary graduate student working for a master’s degree in Music and Computer Science. There are two types of searches we can do: the first focuses on exact melodic matches and the second, on ‘approximate’ matches. Hughes himself understood the usefulness of both approaches; in the LMLO, he gives both the exact manuscript reading of a melody, and what he calls his ‘searchable melody’, a modified version with spaces and repeated pitches eliminated.5 Our new queries are based on this second version, getting a sense of overall tendencies rather than idiosyncrasies of particular manuscript readings. The success of contrafact queries depends largely on setting the right parameters. Recently, we began to experiment with looking for repeated melodic material across all the LMLO chants by looking for any string of twenty pitches or more that were identical in more than one melody. Given such a large sample of melodies with which to run this query, these results may expose melodic borrowing that has been overlooked previously, in studies that were restricted to fewer chants or particular modes. Since we sampled the modified melodic version given in the LMLO, we have to count on a small amount of variation in those ‘identical’ matches, but we can be relatively certain that the melodies are mostly the same, and would have been conceived of as such, even in the late Middle Ages. As an acknowledgement of the possibility of small amounts of individual variance, and their primary identities as sung idioms, we have taken to calling these melodic segments ‘riffs’. Here are some initial findings, based on the 2,850 chant melodies encoded numerically in the LMLO: There are 1,495 riffs of between twenty and seventy pitches in length, that are found in at least two chants of the same mode. Another 223 riffs are shared by several chants in the protus, deuterus, tertius, or tetradus modes. There are also twenty-one riffs that turn up in chant melodies not otherwise unified by mode or mode pair. Among these is one that turns up over thirty times in chants in modes 5, 7, and 8: 4323434543234321232121. Figure 8 shows how this would read in mode 7 or 8. Figure 7. Modes 1, 2, 7, and 8 chants compared for melodic similarity Cross-modal investigations reveal similarities between chant melodies but across modal boundaries. Chants of like mode are the most alike in melodic design, as we might expect. It is also clear that there are melodic connections among the authentic modes on the one hand and among plagal modes on the other; mode 1 chants are most similar to other mode 1 chants, but next similar to mode 7 chants. Similarly, mode 2 chants are most like other mode 2 chants, but also quite similar to mode 8 chants. Contrafacta were particular fascinating to Hughes; indeed, one of the main reasons for his melodic databases was to record the use and possible reuse of melodies. My work, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, is focused on automating the search for melodic contrafacta and eventually also melodies that could be understood as being ‘based on’ others. This work 172 – WORKING WITH THE RESEARCH LEGACY OF ANDREW HUGHES Figure 8. Frequently found cadence figure in the LMLO chants in modes 5, 7, and 8 5. Hughes 1996 (LMLO vol. 2), 181. 173 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Anyone familiar with the older layers of responsory melodies will immediately see that this phrase is a very common cadential gesture in the tetrardus modes. Yet the LMLO repertoire is comprised predominantly of late chant composition for late medieval saints’ feasts, and comprises, of course, all the chant genres, not just the responsories. By locating the occurrences of melodic reuse across modes and genres and centuries, we gain a sense of how the oral practice of melodic stereotyping, especially around cadences, interacted with the literate enterprise of chant composition in the late Middle Ages. The next step in our investigation is to locate these riffs in each whole melody, to determine whether their placement plays a role in their use, especially when large riffs appear to have a musical connection with otherwise unconnected melodies. It will also be necessary to determine whether their texts play a role in their identities, either in terms of syntax (accent, syllable number, etc.) or semantics (perhaps linking saints together for conceptual reasons). A further step in the investigation of contrafacts and melodic links between chants in the LMLO is to determine the scope of allowable variance between riffs. For the human ear, determining whether a melody is similar to another melody is simple, but for a computer it is a fiercely difficult task. Considering the chant encoding in the LMLO purely as long strings of data, the algorithms used by biologists comparing genes can be useful when we are looking for approximate longest common subsequences with ‘local multiple sequence alignment’. We are currently determining the best parameters for this type of investigation. In general, we attempt to take advantage of the amount of data at our disposal rather than being intimidated by it, looking to other disciplines that have been faced with the same types of challenges. Given enough large data sets, managed properly by a musicologist who knows how to interpret the results, it is natural to think about creating a neural net that would ‘learn’ metrics from the data. Although we cannot go back in time and ask a medieval monk about his musical repertory, we can now use computers and systems optimized for ‘big data’ and for recognizing approximate matches as well as identical matches. Asking the right questions of this data may unlock new insights into musical tendencies that, close up, are too large to see. If computers can teach ‘Watson’ to play chess, perhaps one day they might also sing chant. Chief among other projects with which Hughes left us is his ‘ChantWord Dictionary’ (1993). This is a database for the whole Dominican liturgy (initially encoded by the authors of Scribe at La Trobe University) and Hughes’ own study of Humbert’s Codex, another Dominican source. In creating a database like this, Hughes became an expert in customizing FileMaker databases to handle over 80,000 records cataloguing the various occurrences of 50,000 individual Latin words. Figure 9 shows a view of the first thirty records. 174 HELSEN – WORKING WITH THE RESEARCH LEGACY OF ANDREW HUGHES Figure 9. View of the first 30 records of Hughes’ ChantWord Dictionary, in FileMaker Each record represents a single setting of a single word found in the Dominican liturgy, encoded melodically in Hughes’ numeric system. Along with the melodic setting, other information concerning mode, word placement in the larger chant, melodic contour, and liturgical feast are given. The user is therefore given a kind of ‘dictionary’ in which to look up a single word to see how it has been set in its various positions throughout the late medieval liturgy. This database proved especially useful in the days when Hughes was writing up his findings about rhymed offices more generally, and discussing issues of ‘word painting’ in chant. Clearly, the more widely this database is available, the more questions about text setting it may help to answer. However, the main problem with this database is that it is not widely available, though there is of course no specific copyright restricting its use. Again, the format of the medium is obscuring the message; few musicologists have FileMaker running on their computers, and although Hughes did distribute a ‘run-time’ version of the database so that scholars could view it on computers without having to purchase FileMaker, some of the format conversion process is 175 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HELSEN not completely painless. Andrew Hankinson, who currently works with DIAMM at Oxford to update and streamline their databases, has suggested that the ChantWord Dictionary can be converted to an SQL database and hosted on the internet rather than on users’ local machines. The technical challenge is to convert the highly idiosyncratic databases into another format and host it on ‘the cloud’ without losing any of the many types of information Hughes included in each word entry. were modified depending on local tradition or scribal error. This understanding will further improve our sense of when we should consider a melodic idea ‘the same’ or ‘different’ according to 800-year-old musical standards, and help us search for new musical connections – perhaps even ‘quotations’ or evocations – in the late medieval chant repertory as a whole. In his last years, Hughes devoted himself to consolidating and writing clear explanations for the databases devoted to the office for Thomas Becket of Canterbury. Undertaken in earnest when he retired from teaching in the early 2000s, the Becket Project represented the culmination of a lifetime of work, and was consequently difficult to manage. Graduate and post-doctoral students helped to sift through multiple versions of complex databases made up of coded information about the particular section of every book (over 1,200) he could find containing the office for Thomas Becket. In some cases, very little is known about the contents of the rest of the book, but these records about the type of notation, approximate age, provenance, and use can be more broadly useful. A CD with a ‘runtime’ version of the Becket database accompanies the first volume of The Becket Project. This database looks much the same as the ChantWord Dictionary, in that it has been optimized to the point of being difficult for anyone but its creator to use with any confidence. In his description of this database, Hughes writes, “The database and the program that runs it are extremely complex. […] Moreover, over the years as different kinds of searches were required or envisioned, provision was made for expansion: sometimes these extensions were used rarely (and, to be frank, the reason for some of them has lapsed in the course of time).”6 Generally understood, the database charts where melodic or textual variants occur in the standard Becket chants. During the last years of his Becket Project, Hughes would often assign new research assistants the task of comparing one version of a Becket chant to a standardized one, documenting the variances using his encoding system, as a way to contribute to his data and teach the student his encoding system at the same time. The student would fill in a ‘chant variant’ sheet, comparing the manuscript at hand with the standardized one. Most of these variants did make it into the database, but some later ones did not; the Becket database was left as a work-in-progress and it is up to us to understand it as such and use it not as an exhaustive catalogue but as an indicator of the kind of melodic variance we were only vaguely aware of before projects like Hughes’ began to document the degree to which melodies for the same chant 6. 176 Hughes, 2014b, vol. 1, 67. – WORKING WITH THE RESEARCH LEGACY OF ANDREW HUGHES I feel certain that it is just as important to the wider community of historiae scholars as it is to me, who worked with him during his last five years, to make Andrew Hughes’ research legacy as accessible and as useful as he wanted it to be. As he concluded his introduction to his last publication: “There is still so much to do”.7 7. Ibidem, VII. 177 Barbara Haggh-Huglo University of Maryland, College Park Medieval offices from Ghent and Cambrai: some ways of interpreting their melodies Can stylistic markers of early medieval composers be identified?1 In four offices from medieval Ghent, for the Deposition and Elevation of St Bavo, and for Sts Landoaldus and Livinus, and two offices from Cambrai, for Sts Gaugericus and Maxellendis, general trends can certainly be observed.2 (Tables of the melodic features of the antiphons and responsory verses and of the neumes used in each office accompany this article.) It will be shown that the tonal framework of the psalmody for the antiphons developed in the direction of less ambiguity, while responsory verses exhibited increased tonal clarity, even as they gradually lost any trace of the old responsory verse tones. Exceptions are also seen, however. Curious within the early history of office composition is the changing use of the subtonal cadence, which is found throughout Notker’s Liber ymnorum and in many later sequences,3 but only gradually enters office chant and not always with a cadential function. At the same time, I demonstrate that new antiphon melodies were written down with different selections of neumes, which could be markers of composer style, especially rarely-used longer neumes. None of the offices discussed here can be dated from documentary evidence, but approximate dates can be obtained from the history of the cults of the saints in question. The earliest of the four offices from Ghent discussed here are the two offices for St Bavo (d. ca. 653).4 That for the deposition of his relics dates from the time of or soon after that event, which occurred before 937, most likely after 918, when the monks of Saint Bavo returned to their abbey after Viking raids; 1. Cf. for composers of fifteenth-century polyphony, Gallagher 1998. 2. For context on the saints’ offices of northwest Europe and their manuscript sources see Loos and Downey 1997; Downey 1997; Long - Behrendt - Mannaerts 2015; Loos 2001; Meyer - Haggh - Nishimagi 2015; Steiner and Haggh 1995; Goudesenne 2002a. On Ghent, see Bloxam 1987 and 1991; Haggh 1996b, 1997, 2000b, 2005, 2009a and 2009b; and Haggh-Huglo 2017b. On Cambrai see Haggh-Huglo 2014 and 2017a. 3. See the new edition by Calvin M. Bower 2016. The melodies of many medieval sequences can easily be viewed at the website designed by Christian Meyer: <http://www.musmed.fr/CMN/proseq/proseq_proses.htm>. See also Bower’s Clavis sequentiarum at <http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/sequences>, where the melodic files are in preparation. 4. Feast of his natalis on October 1; for Bavo and the saints discussed here, see Bibliotheca hagiographica latina and Novum supplementum (hereafter BHL). The vitae of St Bavo are BHL nos. 1049-1066. Lists and dates of manuscript sources can be found at <http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be/>. 179 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO a Vita of St Bavo had already been written by 825, however. The antiphons for Matins for this office do follow tonal order. The elevation of the relics of St Bavo took place in 1010 and was also commemorated with an office. Both offices for St Bavo survive first in an antiphoner with square notation from the abbey of Saint Bavo of ca. 1471-1481, in which isolated chants, texts, and psalms for the saint were overwritten, Ghent, University Library, MS 15, volume 1 (of 2).5 The office for St Landoaldus (d. ca. 667) probably dates from the 980s, because St Landoaldus’s relics were brought to Saint Bavo in 980, along with those of five other saints; St Landoaldus’s relics were elevated in 982, and an Adventus was written by a monk in 983.6 The office for St Livinus (a fictitious individual who supposedly died in the seventh century) dates from after his translation in 1007. His relics were elevated ca. 1050, when a life of this saint was fabricated by a monk of Saint Bavo’s abbey, and again in 1171.7 The offices of Sts Landoaldus and Livinus are found at the end of a hagiographical compilation, B-Gu 488, which dates from the late twelfth century.8 Without closer study of the hagiography, the two Cambrai offices cannot be dated precisely. Their earliest source is F-CA 38, an antiphoner prepared for the cathedral that dates from the last quarter of the thirteenth century, though the offices are probably earlier. The office for Gaugericus, bishop of Cambrai from 623-627 and with a vita in tenth-century manuscripts,9 lacks tonal order and has no chant with F as final. The office for St Maxellendis, a virgin martyr from Caudry near Cambrai (d. 673),10 probably dates from no earlier than the twelfth century,11 and the psalmody for Matins and Lauds follows tonal order. tonus’ are used to set the first word of two introits; elsewhere I interpret ‘tonus’ to mean ‘reciting tone’.12 This has led me to look, first, at the antiphon formulas associated with the texts beginning Primum quaerite, which seem to have provided models for the antiphons in Hucbald’s office In plateis.13 (Here, I searched for initia resembling the Primum quaerite formulas in the six offices, but this occurred in only eight of all the chants in these offices. In these cases, I marked the number of the tone after the text incipit in Tables 2-7 below). Six of the eight ‘initia’ of the Primum formulas include the final, but only four include the reciting tone (Table 1). Similarly, in five of the six offices from Ghent and Cambrai studied here, the final is found much more often than the reciting tone in the first word of the initium of their chants. The final can be found in the first word of all the chants for the Elevation of Bavo, of all but two chants in the offices of Sts Livinus and Maxellendis, of all but two chants in the office for St Gaugericus, and of most of the chants in the office of St Landoaldus. Where the final does not appear right away, usually the reciting tone does, or else the chant takes a descending or ascending direction that clearly indicates the mode. Yet sometimes one must wait for the first half of the chant to finish before the reciting tone appears. This is rare, however. Only four chants in the six offices do not have the final or the reciting tone in the first two words.14 Aurelian of Réôme, our earliest significant witness to the procedures of early psalmody, emphasizes the initia of antiphons and their classification by differentia in his annotated tonary. In chapter X.9-10 the ‘tonus’ and ‘perfectus first word tone presence of final or reciting tone Primum 1 FR Secundum 2 F Tertium 3 R Quartum 4 F Quintum 5 F Sextum 6 FR Septimum 7 R Octavum 8 F 5. B-Gu 15.1, opening to the office of the Deposition of St Bavo, can be studied online at <http://lib.ugent.be/ viewer/archive.ugent.be%3A68EC210C-57A7-11E1-8E7D-C6B23B7C8C91#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=244&r=0&xywh=-586%2C0%2C10203%2C6169>. Overwriting can be seen at 1V-Am, M-Ainv, and the psalm texts of Matins in the office for the Deposition of Bavo, and the last two antiphons, A14 and A15, and R6 of the office of the Elevation of Bavo. On the Bavo offices, see Mannaerts 2005. 6. Feast of his natalis on March 19. Landoaldus was a missionary from Lombardy sent by Pope Martin I to what is now Belgium, where he became a priest at Wintershoven and archpriest of St Amand of Maastricht. See BHL 4700-4710 on his vitae and accounts of miracles, translations, his adventus, and his elevation. 7. Feast of his natalis on 12 November. See BHL 4960-4963 on his vitae and translations. 8. MS 488 with the two offices at the very end of the manuscript can be seen online at <http://lib.ugent.be/viewer/ archive.ugent.be%3AF829178E-7256-11E1-97A3-27703B7C8C91#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0&r=0&xywh=-2443%2C257%2C8232%2C5123>. 9. 180 MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 1. Presence of the final (F) or reciting Tone (R) in the melody setting the first word of each model antiphon formula Feast of his natalis on 11 August. See BHL 3286-3291 on his vitae, miracles, and a Sermo de elevatione corporis. 10. Feast of her natalis on 13 November. See BHL 5794-5796 for the Passions and account of translations. Also see Scherf 1982. 11. – The passio of Maxellendis is first found in F-DOU 836, which dates from ca. 1150-1200. 12. In Haggh-Huglo Aurelian (forthcoming). See Gushee 1975 and Atkinson 2009, 98-101. 13. Haggh-Huglo 2016 and Bailey 1974. 14. M-A5 and L-A3 (Deposition of Bavo) and M-A4 and L-A4 (Landoaldus). 181 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO The office for the Deposition of St Bavo, which, given the age of the feast, ought to be the oldest from Ghent, differs from the others in that only half of its first words touch the final. The reciting tone usually appears after the first or second word and sometimes as late as the eighth. Furthermore, two antiphon initia in mode 4, M-A5 and L-A3, effectively hide the tone, suggesting mode 2 instead. At the same time, the antiphons of Matins and Lauds in this office mostly follow tonal order, and the antiphons generally have an ambitus of an octave. These characteristics of the chant suggest that the office was composed no earlier than the tenth century. It is possible that the older of the two offices for St Bavo is the one for the saint’s elevation, which clearly emphasizes the final in its initia, but is the only office, along with that for St Gaugericus, that does not follow a tonal order. It is interesting that it was copied in the old way in the fifteenth-century Saint Bavo antiphoner, with all of the antiphons one after another, followed by all of the responsories. That finals but not reciting tones are frequently found in the initia of many antiphons of our six offices raises the question of how singers were to know which psalm tone to sing. That problem was solved, perhaps by Hucbald, by associating numerically ordered psalm tones with the office antiphons; that this procedure is virtually ubiquitous in medieval offices is evidence of the success of what may have begun as a pedagogical innovation.15 I next compared the antiphon initia of the six offices to their differentiae, and that brought interesting results. Keep in mind, however, that the differentiae in B-Gu 15.1 were common in the late Middle Ages and were probably not the original ones. In our six offices, most differentiae, especially those of the first tone, correspond to initia of similar melodic direction. For example, in the offices for Sts Maxellendis and Gaugericus, the differentia a a G F G GFED16 always belong with antiphons dipping to C and then having a rising third, filled or unfilled, from D to F. My comparisons revealed some unusual initia, such as that of M-A5 in the Maxellendis office, which drops immediately to the fourth below the final, but uses the fifth and not the sixth tone, and 2V-Am, which begins with an initium characteristic of the third tone, but has a differentia of the fourth tone. the interval or the cadential function, such as the ‘rise and repeat formula’. In the offices studied here, such formulas only took on their characteristic cadential function later. In the St Livinus office, the subtonal cadence does have an ending function, but ends internal as well as final cadential phrases. Needing investigation is how or why these cadences found throughout Notker’s Liber ymnorum, where they do have a cadential function, come to be part of office chant, while they continue to be used, less often but still frequently, in the medieval sequence repertory. Did composers of early offices find compositional techniques in the sequence repertory, such as ways of composing syllabic settings? And did the subtonal cadences of Notker contribute to the increasing importance of the final for the tonality of a chant? Among the latest offices of our six is the office of St Landoaldus, which has antiphons in tonal order, the ambitus of an octave, many fourth and fifth leaps, and many subtonal cadences. Yet here most of the antiphons present the reciting tone only at the third or fourth word. By this time tonal order was assumed. Aurelian’s prescriptions are realised in the twelfth-century office of St Livinus. Nearly all antiphons of Lauds include the reciting tone in the first word, and the tonal order is even stricter in the antiphons of Matins. This office has fewer subtonal cadences; where they occur, they usually end a chant. Tables 2-7,17 showing the tonal features of the antiphons of the six offices, give evidence that attention to the presentation of the reciting tone in the first word is rare, but that the final is used more frequently and becomes ubiquitous with the passage of time. The presence of the subtonal cadence at the last word is a later development. Tonal order of the psalmody is found in all of these offices except those for the Elevation of Bavo and Gaugericus, which may both date from the late ninth century or earlier. The office of Gaugericus has antiphons notated with some unusual transpositions and differentiae. The office of St Maxellendis likely dates from no earlier than the twelfth century and has tonal order of the psalmody for Matins and Lauds. Its antiphons place the reciting tone in opening words more often; and the few subtonal cadences usually end their chants. Almost all of the antiphons of the six offices include larger intervals – a good number of fifths as well as fourths – so that seems not to have changed over time. The responsory verses (Tables 8-9) are also informative indicators of the chronology and development of office composition. The Livinus and Maxellendis offices have mainly newly composed responsory verses. The other four offices follow the standard verses most of the time, but may omit cadences if the texts are short or interpolate new material if the texts are too long. The new melody includes added recitations, new melismas, or modifications of final cadences. The office of the Deposition of St Bavo is filled with ‘subtonal’ cadences, but very few end a chant; the internally used word ‘Domino’ especially attracts this cadence. This means that the term ‘pes-stratus cadence’ might be preferable to ‘subtonal’; this is the neume used to notate Notker’s cadences, which rise, however, by a third as well as a second. One might therefore use a more neutral term not implying 15. Haggh-Huglo 2017. 16. Cf. the tonary in the eleventh-century antiphoner of Gaillac, F-Pn lat. 776, fol. 149r. 182 – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI 17. Plicas are treated as single notes in the tables; any pes followed by a single pitch that is the last note of the pes is considered to be a subtonal ending. 183 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 2. The antiphons of the office for the Deposition of St Bavo in Ghent, University Library, MS 15.1, 1471-81, fols. 274r-279v. (Octave-transposing clef to be understood) Chant Initium 1V-Am Sancte Bavo confessor 1-c-d-df-fe-d- M-Inv Iubilemus omnium 1-d-cd-dc-df- M-A1 Insignis pater Allowinus 1-d-cd-d-df-df- M-A2 Prediis suis christo 1-cd-d-d-d-df- M-A3 Stillabat enim (cf 4) 1-ghjk-hg-hj- M-A4 Adiens enim 1-e-ed-g-hk-k- M-A5 Amandus ergo 1-f-d-c-d-df- M-A6 Accitum 1i-h-h-gh-f-f- M-A7 Reversus itaque 1i-f-gj-jhg-f-ef-f- M-A8 Rogavit ergo 1-g-gcb-c-de-d- M-A9 Consulta vero 1-g-dfe-fg-g-g- M-A10 Hanc ingressus (1) 1-c-d-dhj-h- M-A11 O precipue 1-ghk-kj-hk-hj-j- M-A12 Exemplo tuo 1-cdf-f-fe-d- M-A13 Ideo rogamus 1i-f-hk-kj-hg-kl-k- 184 First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 3 C-d 4 4ths, 2 5ths 2 1 1 C-c 1 4th, 2 5ths 1 1 4 C-d 2 5ths 2 1 2 C-a 2 4ths 1 4 1 E-d 3 4ths None 1 2 D-e 2 4ths 1 4 5 D-a 1 5th 2 2 4 F-f 1 5th 1 1 1 A-a 2 4ths 2 1 2 G-f 2 4ths 2 1 5 G-d 2 4ths 1 2 2 C-d 1 4th, 1 5th 2 3 1 D-d 1 4th 4 2 5 C-a 1 4th 3 1 1 F-f 1 4th, 1 5th 1 Final cadence 1-cd-d-d1-d-cd-d-d1-d-cd-d1-fe-d-d1-g-ghg-e-e1-ghg-fe-de-e1-gh-fe-de-e1i-jh-gf-f1i-gh-f-ef-f1-h-g-g1-gh-h-g1-fg-fe-d-d1-fe-de-e-e1-de-e-e1i-fghjh-gf-f- Final – reciting tone D-a D-a D-a D-F E-c E-c E-a F-c F-a G-d G-c D-a E-c E-a F-c Differentia or Venite 1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed- 1-e-g-h1-h-h-g-f-g-h1-f-f-f-e-c-cd1-k-k-kj-hk-h-g1-k-k-h-k-j-h1-h-h-gh-j-g-e1i-k-k-lj-k-h1i-h-h-f-gh-g-f1-l-l-m-l-k-jh1-k-k-j-k-h-g-1-h-h-g-f-g-h-1-k-k-k-hk-j-h-1-h-g-h-j-g-e1i-k-k-l-j-k-h185 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Chant Initium M-Ac Ave inclite confessor 1-kk-k-hg-k- L-A1 Dum viri 1-d-cd-d-f-e-fg-f-e-d- L-A2 Cuius ut in dubiam 1-g-hk-kj-hg-h-hk-k- L-A3 Non inmerito super 1-f-dc-d-df-f- L-A4 Vir deo gratissimus 1i-f-hk-kl-kj-h-k-k- L-A5 Quo visu fortiter 1i-f-gj-j-jh-gh-hgf- L-Ab Preliator domini Bavo 1-gh-fhk-hg-fg-g- 2V-Am Reconditum 1-ghgf-h-f-g-g- 186 HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 6 G-g 2 4ths 1 1 2 A-a 1 4th 1 6 1 C-d 4 4ths 4 3 6 E-c 1 4th, 1 5th 3 1 2 F-d None None 1 2 C-c None 1 1 3 (at ‘Bavo’) E-a 3 4ths, 1 5th 5 1 2 D-e 5 5ths 5 Final cadence 1-klmlk-ll-k1-d-efe-d-d1-fe-de-e1-fe-de-e1i-gh-f-f1i-ghg-f-f1-k-g-fg-g1-h-fe-fg-g- Final – reciting tone c-e 6T D-F E-c E-a F-c F-a G-d G-c Differentia or Venite 1-m-m-k-lm-l-k1-f-f-f-e-c-cd1-k-k-k-h-k-jh1-h-g-h-j-g-e1i-k-k-l-j-k-h1i-h-h-f-gh-g-f1-l-l-m-l-k-jh1k-k-j-k-h-g- 187 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 3. The antiphons of the office for the Elevation of St Bavo in Ghent University Library, MS 15.1, 1471-81, fols. 279v-284v Chant Initium M-Inv: Adoremus Christum 1-c-cd-dffe-dfd- M-A1 Beatus Amandus M-A2 Vade vende M-A3 His verbis (1) M-A4 Pollebat M-A5 Proficiebat M-A6 Meminerat M-A7 Justicie dominus M-A8 Omni servivit M-A9 Iste Bavo M-A10 Laude Bavo M-A11 Appropinquante M-A12 Et licet 1-f-f-fe-df-f-e- 1-gk-h-h-g- 1-cd-dhj-h-h-h-h- 1-g-gk-h-hgf-gh-h- 1-g-g-fd-e-f- 1-f-d-e-f-ghg- 1-f-d-dh-h- 1-fe-f-fe-fh-f- 1-ed-g-hk-k- 1i-efdd-c-d-dc- 1-g-g-fd-e-f- 1-g-g-l-k-j- M-A13 Plenus namque 1-d-f-dc-f- M-A14 Corde et animo 1-gf-fd-e-f- M-A15 Beati Bavonis 2V-Am Sancte Bavo 188 1i-fd-f-f-g-gf-g-ghg- 1-ffed-f-ef-gh-g- First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 1 C-a 3 4ths, 1 5th 2 1 7 C-a 1 5th none 1 1 F-e 2 4ths none 1 2 D-b 1 4th, 1 5th none 1 1 F-e 2 4ths 1 1 3 D-c none 1 1 5 E-c none none 1 1 D-c 1 5th none 1 2 C-G 3 4ths 1 1 2 E-c 2 4ths none 1 4 C-a 2 4ths none 1 7 D-c none 1 1 2 F-f none 1 1 3 C-c with overwritten cadence 1 4th 1 1 8 D-c none none 1 2 C-c 1 4th none 1 2 C-c 2 4ths, 3 5ths 4 Final cadence 1-efd-cd-d- 1-gf-de-e-e- 1-k-j-g-g-g- 1-g-fe-d-d- 1-kh-g-fg-g- 1-h-h-g-g- 1-h-g-g- 1-e-fe-d-d- 1-fe-cd-d- 1-gf-gh-gf-e-e- 1i-ghg-f-f- 1-fe-fg-g- 1-g-fg-g- 1-d-efe-d-d1-g-h-j-j- 1i-g-ghg-f-f- 1-fe-de-e-e- Final – reciting tone D-F E-a G-c D-a G-c G-c G-c D-a D-F E-c F-a G-c G-d D-a G-c F-a E-a Differentia or Venite 1-d-c-d- 1-h-g-h-j-g-e- 1-k-k-j-k-h-g- 1-h-h-g-f-g-h- 1-k-k-j-k-h-g- 1-k-k-j-k-h-g- 1-k-k-j-k-h-g- 1h-h-g-fg-h- 1-f-f-f-e-c-d- 1-k-k-k-hk-j-h- 1i-h-h-f-gh-g-f- 1k-k-j-k-h-g- 1-l-l-m-l-k-jl- 1-h-h-g-f-g-h1-k-k-j-k-h-g- 1i-h-h-f-gh-g-f- 1-h-g-h-kjhg-e- 189 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 4. The antiphons of the office for St Landoaldus in Ghent University Library, MS 488, late 12th c., fols. 86r-89v Chant Initium 1V-Am Rex regum 1-cd-df-dcd- M-Inv Iubilemus unanimes 1-c-cd-df-d- M-A1 Regnante Christo 1-cd-df-d- M-A2 Fonte ergo baptismi 1-d-b-c-cd-d- M-A3 Hunc Romulea 1-e-ed-g-hk-k- M-A4 Beati pape 1-c-df-f-f-dc- M-A5 Beato Amando (5) 1i-h-hg-f-fh-kl-k- M-A6 Ad arbitrium 1-k-kj-hk-h-h- M-A7 Sancto igitur 1-gl-l-l-kl-l- M-A8 Medius horum 1-g-hg-fg-g-g- M-A9 Huic ergo 1-d-df-df-d-dc-f-gh-h- M-A10 Horum predicat 1-d-dc-dfg-ed-efe- M-A11 Talium favor 1-e-e-ed-g-hk-k- M-A12 O pater Landoalde 1-f-fe-df-d-d-de-e- L-A1 Sanctus Landoaldus 1-dc-df-g-d-cd-d- 190 First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 6 C-c 1 4th, 5 5ths 4 1 6 C-a 1 4th 2 1 3 C-c 2 4ths 4 1 3 A-a 1 4th 3 1 2 D-d 2 4ths, 1 6th 3 3 4 C-c 1 4th 2 1 2 F-f none 3 1 4 G-a 1 4th, 2 5ths 2 1 1 F-a 3 4ths 6 1 3 C-d 1 4th, 1 5th 3 1 4 C-b flat 14th, 1 5th 1 1 1 A-a 3 4ths, 1 5th 4 1 2 D-d 2 5ths 6 2 4 C-c 1 4th 6 1 4 C-c 1 4th, 1 5th 5 Final cadence 1-cd-d-efd-d1-d-cd-d1-d-cd-d1-fe-cd-d1-f-gf-e-e1-ghg-fe-de-e1i-gf-ghg-g-f1-lkkj-l-lml-k-k1g-hg-fg-g1-g-g1-gfe-d-d1-fe-cd-d1-ghg-e-e1-f-dc-de-e1-d-cd-d- Final – reciting tone D-a D-a D-a D-F E-c E-a F-c c-e 6T G-d G-c D-a D-F E-c E-a D-a Differentia or Venite 1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-e-g-h1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-f-f-f-e-cd-d1-k-k-j-hk-h-gh1-h-g-h-kh-gfe-e1i-k-k-l-j-k-h1-k-k-l--zj-k-h1-l-l-m-l-k-jl1-k-k-j-k-h-g1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-f-f-f-e-cd-d1-k-k-kj-hk-h-gh-1-h-g-h-kh-gfe-e1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed191 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Chant Initium L-A2 Anhelanti 1-d-ca-cd-d- L-A3 Cumque procedentem 1-e-ed-g-hk-k-hg- L-A4 O felicem 1-f-dcdf-f- L-A5 Quam iocundum 1-g-hg-f-g- L-Ab Angelorum decus 1-gl-l-l-k- 2V-Am Exultaque letare 1-gfd-fg-g- 192 HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 3 E-e 1 4th 3 1 2 E-d 1 4th, 2 5ths 6 3 4 C-c none 4 1 3 D-d 3 4ths, 2 5ths 3 1 1 F-a 2 4ths, 2 5ths 8 1 3 D-e 3 4ths, 2 5ths 9 Final cadence 1-fe-cd-d-d1-f-gf-e-e1-ghg-e-e1-fg-g1-fh-kjkllkhg-fg-g1-hg-fg-g-g- Final – reciting tone D-F E-c E-a G-c G-d G-c Differentia or Venite 1-f-f-f-e-cd-d1-k-k-kj-hk-h-gh1-h-g-h-kh-gfe-e1-k-k-j-k-h-g1-l-l-l-ml-k-jl1-k-k-j-k-h-g- 193 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 5. The antiphons of the office of St Livinus in Ghent University Library, MS 488, late 12th c., fols. 89v-93r Chant Initium 1V-Am Letentur filii 1-df-ed-fdcd- M-Inv Personis trinii 1-cd-d-efed-dc- M-A1 Floruit egregius 1-df-dc-d-fgfe-d-cd-d- M-A2 Qui dum 1-c-df-fed-fd-cd-d- M-A3 Spiritus in specie 1-edg-hk-k-k- M-A4 Ortu pusioli 1-e-d-dc-ce-gh-g-g- M-A5 Tempore baptismi (5) 1i-h-f-hkj-h-kl-k- M-A6 Dextra super 1-f-gh-fe-dc- M-A7 Sanctus Livinus 1-gdf-cbcd-df-d- M-A8 Inter deserte 1-g-dfe-fg-g-g- M-A9 Turbavit regni 1-d-d-cd-d-fe-d- M-A10 Sollicitur curis 1-d-acb-cd-fd- M-A11 Vade ait 1-dfd-dc-f-gh-hg- M-A12 Ecce cui ductor 1-f-gh-fe-dc- M-Ac Beatus Livinus 1-cd-dc-d-fe-dfdc-c- 194 First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 2 C-d 4 4ths, 1 5th 4 1 7 C-b 1 5th 6 1 3 C-c 1 5th 2 2 2 C-a 1 4th 1 1 1 C-d 1 4th none 1 9 D-c none 1 1 1 F-f none none 1 1 D-b flat 1 4th none 1 1 G-a 1 5th none 1 4 D-d 1 4th none 1 3 C-d 1 5th none 1 1 A-a 2 4ths 2 1 3 D-d 2 4ths, 2 5ths none 1 1 C-B flat 1 4th none 1 4 C-c 2 4ths 4 Final cadence 1-d-cfe-fgf-d-cd-d1-cd-d1-df-d1-df-gfe-d-d1-ghgf-g-gh-e-e1-e-fg-fe-de-e-e1i-gf-g-ghg-f-f1-f-ghg-f-f1-ded-cb-hghkh-g-g1-hg-fe-fgf-g-g1-eg-hg-ed-efe-d-d1-fd-cd-d1-fgfe-d-d1-f-fhf-e-e1-cd-fe-fgfed-d- Final – reciting tone D-a D-a D-a D-F E-c E-a F-c F-a G-d G-c D-a D-f D-a F-a D-a Differentia or Venite 1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-e-g-h1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-f-f-f-e-cd-d1-k-k-kj-hk-h-g1-h-g-h-kh-gfe-e1i-k-k-l-j-k-h1-h-h-f-gh-g-f1-l-l-m-l-k-jl1-k-k-j-k-h-g-1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-f-f-f-e-cd-d-1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-h-h-f-gh-g-f1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed195 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Chant Initium L-A1 Anima iusti 1-df-c-df-fe-d- L-A2 Concurrunt fideles 1-d-acdf-d-e-fd-cd- L-A3 Ut vidit vero 1-ed-ghk-k-k-k- L-A4 Insiliens unus 1i-hg-hk-k-hg-kl-k- L-A5 Gloria tibi Christe 1i-f-gh-f-f-dc-fg-f- L-Ab Preciosus athleta 1-gh-kj-kl-l- 2V-Am Magnificet sanctum 1-fe-dc-cd-e-fgfe- 196 HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 8 C-a 5 4ths 2 1 1 B-a 2 4ths, 1 5th 1 1 2 D-d 2 4ths none 1 1 F-f 1 4th none 1 1 C-B flat 1 4th 1 1 1 G-e 1 4th 6 1 3 D-c 2 4ths, 1 5th none Final cadence 1-fe-fgfe-d-d1-efd-cd-d-d1-gh-e-e-e1i-h-gf-f1i-g-ghg-f-f1-hg-hkh-g-g1-de-e-e- Final – reciting tone D-a D-F E-c F-c F-a G-d E-a Differentia or Venite 1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-f-f-f-e-cd-d1-k-k-kj-hk-h-ghNo differentia 1i-h-h-f-gh-g-f1-l-l-m-l-k-jh1-h-g-h-kh-gfe-e- 197 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 6. The antiphons of the office of St Gaugericus in Cambrai Médiathèque municipale, MS CA 38, late 13th century, fols. 305r-309v Chant Initium 1V-A1 Ave presul 1-g-gfd-efg-ghhg- 1V-A2 Justum deduxit 1-f-f-ed- 1V-A3 Iste est qui 1-g-gfd- 1V-A4 Iste cognovit 1-f-f-e-de-d- 1V-A5 Confessor domini 1-dc-d-fe-de-dc-cddc- 1V-Am Meritis sacris 1-f-c-d-dhj-h- M-Inv Adoremus Christum 1-c-cd-defe- M-A1 Beatus vir Gaugericus M-A2 Preceptum domini M-A3 Invocavit dominum (1) 1-ed-g-hk-k1-f-de-ed-hfg-gf-h-k-k1-d-dhj-h- M-A4 Bone voluntatis 1-gh-h-g-h- M-A5 Ammirabile nomen 1-f-f-fe-de-ed- M-A6 In tabernaculo tuo 1-j-g-j-l-k- M-A7 Prevenisti domine 1-h-hg-h-gf-f-h-kl-- M-A8 Innocens minibus 1-k-k-jkhkg- 198 First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 8 C-d 2 4ths none 2 8 C-b 1 4th, 2 5ths 2 1 5 C-c 2 4ths, 1 5th none 1 2 C-b None 1 1 3 D-d 1 4th, 3 5ths 1 1 2 C-d 5 4ths, 1 5th, 1 6th 2 1 6 C-c 1 5th 2 1 1 C-d 2 4ths none 1 2 F-e None 1 1 1 C-b 1 4th, 1 5th none 8 1 D-b 1 4th none 1 5 D-b None 1 1 2 F-e None 1 1 2 F-e 1 4th none 1 4 G-g 1 4th none Final cadence 1-h-hjh-g-g1-fe-de-e1-gh-h-g-g1-fgf-e-e1-fgfe-d-d1-fe-d-d1-efd-cd-d1-gf-e-e1-h-kj-g-g1-h-g-e-f-gf-f-d-d1-gh-fgf-e-e1-d-ef-gh-fgf-e-e1-j-h-g-g- Final – reciting tone G-c E-a G-c E-a D-a D-a D-a, CANTUS has T2 E-c G-c D-a E-c E-a G-d Differentia or Venite 1-k-k-j-k-h-g1-h-g-h-jh-gfe-e1-k-k-j-k-h-g1-h-g-h-jh-gfe-e1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-d-c-d1-k-k-kj-hj-h-gh1-k-k-j-k-h-g1-h-h-g-f-gh-g1-k-k-k-k-hk-k1-h-g-h-j-hgf-e1-l-l-m-l-k-jk- 1-h-jkj-h-h- a-c 2T 1-k-k-k-j-g-h- 1-lm-l-k-k- c-e 6T 1-m-m-k-lm-l-k199 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Chant Initium M-A9 Letabitur in domino 1-d-d-dc-f- L-A1 Sanctus vir domini 1-k-ko-o-o-n-l- L-A2 Portas domini confessor L-A3 Lucis eterne L-A4 Benedictionem omnium (2) 1-c-d-f-f-e-f-g-f1-f-c-d-dhj-h1-d-dc-a-a-cd-dc- L-A5 Letetur verus 1-hg-k-l-m-n- L-Ab Pontifex Christi 1-e-g-hk-k-k- 2V-Am Honorabilis cunctis 1-f-f-fe-de-ed- 200 HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 3 C-c 2 4ths, 1 5th 1 1 2 c-c’ 2 5ths 1 1 4 C-d None 1 1 2 C-b 2 4ths, 1 5th none 1 1 C-b 3 4ths 1 1 2 G-f 1 4th none 1 1 E-e 2 5ths, 1 6th none 1 4 C-c 2 5ths none Final cadence 1-fg-efe-d-d1-m-k-k1-g-fe-d-d1-fe-d-d1-g-gh-h-h1-k-kj-h-h1-fgf-e-e1-gf-g-gf-e- Final – reciting tone D-a c-g 4T D-a D-a D-F a-f 3T E-c E-a Differentia or Venite 1-h-h-g-f-gh-g1-o-o-p-o-n-mo1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-h-h-g-f-gh-g1-f-f-f-e-c-d1-n-n-nm-lm-l-kl1-k-k-kj-hj-h-gh1-h-g-h-jh-gfe-e- 201 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 7. The antiphons of the office of St Maxellendis in Cambrai Médiathèque municipale, MS 38, late 13th century, fols. 365r-368v Chant Initium 1V-Am Beatissime virginis 1-cd-d-defd-cd-d- M-Inv Auctorem virginitatis 1-cd-dc-de-ed- M-A1 Virgo tua Maxelendis 1-dc-dfgfd-e-dc-c- M-A2 Legem domini 1-c-cd-df-d-d- M-A3 Innocens minibus 1-ed-g-hk-jk-k-k- M-A4 Dilexisti iusticiam 1-f-e-d-f-ef- M-A5 Deum adiutorium 1i-fe-dc-df-f- M-A6 In superna ciuitate 1-kj-hg-hk-k- M-A7 Psallite domino 1-g-g-hj-h-g-gkj-kl-ml-kl-l M-A8 Custodiuit dominus 1-d-df-de-dc-g-g-hj-h- M-A9 Recordatus est 1-d-df-de-dc-c- L-A1 Alma virgo 1-k-j-k-k-lk-jk-k-k- L-A2 In leticia domino (1) 1-d-dhj-hg-g- L-A3 Universa carnis 1-ed-g-ghjk-k-kj-h- L-A4 Inter choros angelorum 1-hg-fg-g-g-gffe-e-fg-g- 202 First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 4 Cb 3 4ths, 1 5th 2 1 2 Cc none 1 1 2 C-b flat 2 4ths none 1 2 C-a none 1 1 1 E-d 1 4th none 1 4 D-c none 1 1 2 F-f 2 4ths none 1 3 G-f none 1 1 1 G-g 3 4ths none 1 2 F-d none none 1 2 C-d none 2 1 5 G-g 1 4th, 1 5th 1 1 2 C-d 1 4th, 3 5ths none 1 1 E-d 2 4ths 2 2 None D-a none 1 Final cadence 1-cd-fgfe-d-d1-d-efg-gfe-edc-efd-d1-d-efe-d-d1-fe-d-d1-h-gf-gfe-e1-gh-gfe-e1i-ghg-f-f1-j-gfg-ghg-f-f1-hgf-hg-g1-hjh-g-g1-d-efe-d-d1-lk-lml-k-k1-dc-efg-fe-d-d1-ghg-fe-de-e1-gf-e-e- Final – reciting tone D-a D-F D-a D-F E-c E-a F-c c-e 6T G-d G-c D-a c-e 6T D-a E-c E-c Differentia or Venite 1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-d-c-d1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-f-f-f-e-c-d1-k-k-j-hj-h-gh-1-h-g-h-jh-gfe-e1i-k-k-l-j-k-h1-m-m-k-lm-l-k1-l-l-m-l-k-jh1-k-k-j-k-h-g1-h-h-g-f-g-gfed1-m-m-k-lm-l-k1-h-h-g-f-gh-g1-k-k-kj-hj-h-gh1-k-k-kj-hj-h-gh203 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Chant Initium L-A5 In prosperis 1-g-gkj-kl-l- L-Ab Lumine divino 1-df-dc-c- 2V-Am Magnifica virgo 1-ed-g-hk-k- 204 HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI First word with final First word with reciting tone Ambitus Large intervals Subtonal cadences 1 4 F-e 2 4ths, 1 5th 2 1 2 C-d 2 5ths none 1 1 D-c 1 4th none Final cadence 1-hgh-g-fg-g1-efe-d-d1-f-gh-gf-e- Final – reciting tone G-d D-a E-a T4 not T3 as in CANTUS Differentia or Venite 1-l-l-m-l-k-jh1-h-h-hg-f-h-g1-h-h-hg-fg-f-ef- 205 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 8. The responsory verses of the offices of St Bavo’s Deposition and Elevation, St Landoaldus, and St Livinus Bavo Deposition standard tone RV1 Dimisit comam 5-syllable cadences Bavo Elevation standard tone 5-syllable cadences [over-written] Landoaldus standard tone 1 + opening cadence 2 5th; omits first recitation and elides cadence 1 with start of second recitation RV1 Qui dixit 1 + opening 5th cadences 1-2 RV1 Cotidie tone 1 + cadences1-2 opening 5th + interpolations RV1 new mode 1 – Intendens summus melody (new verses with different range from standard tone and fewer repeated pitches) RV2 Gracie celestis 2 cadences 1-2 RV2 Electus Dei 7, first half compressed cadence 2 RV2 Repletu spiritu 2 RV2 new mode 1 Nondum incedens melody – RV3 Ut hominem 3 with improvements cadences 1-2 RV3 Quem Christus 4 with variants – RV3 Christe ecclesie 3 with altered cadence 2 beginning similar to standard tone RV3 new mode 3 Expansis in celum melody – RV4 Nil opera sua new mode 4 – melody with outline and recitation on F of standard tone RV4 Vigilius et ieiuniis 1 cadence 2 RV4 Illo denique sponte 4 with many variants – RV4 Inter de flentes new mode 4 melody – RV5 Operis ergo 5 cadences 1-2 RV5 Nam apum 2 more cadences 1-2 RV5 Orante pro eo 5 6 syllables + 5 syllables but standard tone RV5 Quo transit new mode 8 melody – RV6 Qui Lazarum 6 with interpolations cadences 1-2 RV6 Tamdiu vir Domini RV6 Ecce sacerdos 6 with few variants cadence 2 RV7 Post trium 8 RV8 Adhuc nimium RV9 In contritione cordis 5-syllable cadences cadences 1-2 Livinus standard tone 5-syllable cadences 8 interpolated cadences recitation in 1-2 part 1 + change [cadence 2] of first melis of cadence 2 RV6 6 with middle cadence 2 Sanatis succedunt abbreviated cadence 1; RV7 cadence 2 has Dominus Ihesus first syllables adjusted, replacing b with c 4 with interpolations cadences 1-2 RV7 Interfuit eius spiritus 1 cadence 1 RV7 replaced by Surrexit sanus long recitation; cadence 2 8 new and transposed; recites on d and g – new mode 7 melody with wide ambitus F-g – RV8 O beate Bavo new mode 2 melody – RV8 Eius in mirum spiritu new mode 8 melody – RV8 Qui super mare new mode 8 untransposed melody; recites on c and d and ends on G – new mode 1 melody – – – – RV9 Comitate sunt new mode 8 melody – RV9 Officiose new mode 1 melody – RV10 5 with Subsequitur mira adjustments – – – [cadences 1-2] RV10 Virtus divina 1 cadence 1-2 RV10 Ad salutem 2 with modifications cadences 1-2 RV11 Ad patriam new transposed mode 8 melody; ambitus c-g – – – – RV11 Affuit plebs new mode 8 melody – RV11 Iam tortores new mode 7 melody – RV12 Susceptus est hodie 8 cadences 1-2 – with interpolations – – RV12 Ecce et enim new mode 1 melody – RV12 Ipse nostris new mode 3 melody with outline of standard tone – 206 207 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO Table 9. The Responsory Verses of the Offices of St Gaugericus and St Maxellendis What I propose next is a new way of distinguishing office chant: by the neumes their composers used. One could claim that neumes represent scribal practice more than compositional decision, yet comparisons of manuscripts do show relatively consistent neuming. A composer’s favouring of certain neumes and neglect of others is arguably no less an indicator of style than a later composer’s repetition of favourite phrases or harmonies.18 The clivis is frequently used in our six offices – were these short descents easier to sing? Zoltán Kodály first taught children the descending third.19 The porrectus is extremely rare, as are neumes of more than three pitches, but longer neumes truly distinguish compositions. I count thirty different longer neumes in the six offices, shown in Tables 10-15. Of these, only thirteen appear more than once. The most common is the four-note climacus, then the scandicus followed by a lower pitch, then a five-pitched arch, also found in Germanic regions. While longer descents are common, rising neumes of more than three pitches do not occur at all in the six offices. The offices for the Deposition of Bavo and Livinus use the pes more often than the clivis, the others prefer the clivis. All except the office of St Gaugericus prefer the climacus to the scandicus. The German arch is not found in the offices of Maxellendis, Landoaldus, or Livinus. The Livinus office is distinguished by its many pes subbipuncti. The offices for Landoald and Livinus have fewer long neumes than the others. I have not analyzed pairs or other groups of neumes, but I do notice pairs of the pes especially in the Livinus office. Nowhere do three examples of the same neume occur in succession. For offices of the pre-Guidonian period and even those composed before the introduction of square notation, the analysis of melody as an undifferentiated pitch string can clearly be misleading, because the neumes might rather be representing ‘melodic segments,’20 melodic articulation, or how a melody should be delivered.21 Yet one must also ask if differently neumed pitch strings might not be adaptations of the same melody to a different text. The methods used to study the neumes of the León antiphoner, where precise pitch cannot be a factor, could provide useful models for the study of Western neumations.22 Gaugericus standard tone 5-syllable cadence Maxellendis standard tone 5-syllable cadence RV1 Gloria et honore 1 cadences 1-2 RV1 Mundum cum suis new mode 8 melody – RV2 Gratiam quam 2 cadences 1-2 RV2 Cum ferme pubertatis new mode 2 melody with elements of beginning of cadence 2 cadences 1-2 with 5 syl but new melodies RV3 Sanctus ac pius 3 cadences 1-2, variant in cadence 2 RV3 Ut mereretur new mode 8 melody – RV4 Qui flammis 4 cadences 1-2 RV4 CAO 7411 – – RV5 Medicinis spiritualis 5 cadences 1-2 RV5 CAO 7003 – – RV6 Fortis sermone 6T cadences RV6 CAO 7006 1-2 run together – – RV7 Deus omnium 7 cadences 1-2 RV7 Fortis virgo new transposed mode 6 melody – RV8 Gloriosi principis new mode 8 melody – RV8 Cuius pridem meritis new mode 8 melody – RV9 Quem tuba new mode 8 melody – RV9 Quem Michael opens like – standard tone 1 but rest is new Only in M-RV2 of the office for Maxellendis does the composer retain five-syllable melismatic cadences within an otherwise new melody. The new responsory verse melodies typically have a wider range and descend to the final; the standard verses often do not. The defining features of these early historiae chants are not necessarily their melodies but the standardization of the tonal order of their psalm recitations and of the responsory verse formulas. Written prescriptions of theorists before Guido of Arezzo (chapter 15 of Micrologus) do not address the composition of melodies of antiphons and responsories, but rather intervals, species, and how to determine the tone or mode of a chant, which is why bringing some kind of theoretical order to the variety of early newly-composed office melodies challenges us today. 208 – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI 18. See note 1 above. 19. See Bennett 2005. 20. Bower’s translation of ‘cantilenae’: see Bower 2016, vol. 1, pp. 1-5 on the Dedicatio text. Cf. Rankin 2011. 21. See Rankin 2014, 391-393. 22. See Hornby and Maloy 2013 and 2016. 209 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 10. Neumes of the office of the Deposition of St Bavo Short neumes clivis pes porrectus torculus climacus scandicus pes subbipunctis 1V-Am 13 11 0 2 5 4 0 M-I 9 8 0 1 2 2 0 M-A1 3 11 0 1 1 2 0 M-A2 8 9 0 0 1 0 0 M-A3 3 10 0 3 2 2 1 M-A4 12 10 0 2 1 1 0 M-A5 5 7 0 1 4 3 1 M-A6 4 6 0 0 3 1 1 M-A7 8 13 0 0 5 0 0 M-A8 3 9 1 1 0 0 0 M-A9 5 9 0 2 1 0 1 M-A10 4 8 0 1 1 2 0 M-A11 10 12 0 3 4 4 0 M-A12 8 10 0 1 0 0 0 M-A13 7 8 2 2 3 1 1 M-Ac 7 5 0 0 4 3 0 Long neumes P T V U O L M H S A R J W --fghj- --fghg-- -fghjh- -fghgf- -hgfhjh- -jhgfef- -hghjh- -hghj- -ehghj- -hgfe- -ghjhj- -hfgh- -fghgfe- M-A3; M-A4; M-A6; M-A7 (2x); M-A8 M-A3; M-A11; M-Ac M-A4; M-A13 M-A6; M-A10; M-Ac M-A7 M-A7 M-A8 M-A9 M-A10; M-Ac M-A11; M-A13 M-A13 M-A13 M-A2 210 211 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 11. Neumes of the office of the Elevation of St Bavo Short neumes clivis pes porrectus torculus climacus scandicus pes subbipunctis M-Inv 8 10 0 4 1 1 0 M-A1 11 10 1 1 0 0 0 M-A2 1 2 0 1 0 0 0 M-A3 3 4 0 0 0 1 0 M-A4 1 4 0 1 1 0 0 M-A5 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 M-A6 1 5 0 0 0 0 0 M-A7 7 6 0 2 0 0 1 M-A8 9 6 0 1 1 0 1 M-A9 7 6 0 1 1 0 0 M-A10 4 13 0 3 0 0 0 M-A11 4 3 0 0 1 0 0 M-A12 2 3 0 3 0 0 0 M-A13 10 8 0 1 0 0 0 M-A14 Corde 4 1 0 0 0 2 0 Beati Bavo 9 5 0 4 4 4 0 M-Ac Beati Bavo? 9 1 0 0 2 2 0 L-A1 8 7 0 1 0 0 0 L-A2 10 9 0 2 3 0 1 L-A3 6 7 0 1 1 0 0 L-A4 6 7 0 0 1 0 0 L-A5 5 4 0 3 2 1 0 L-Ab 12 13 0 2 3 2 0 2V-Am Recondita 14 11 1 0 0 2 1 2V-Am Sancte Bavo 16 10 0 3 5 3 0 Long neumes Q DD V U N B M-Inv K H S A T M CC AA --ghgh-- --ghfe-- -fghjh- --fghgf- --hgjkjh- --jhgfe- --hgfg- --hghj- --ehghj- --hgfe- -fghg- -hghjh- --gfghj- --jkjhg- M-Inv M-Ad canticum L-A1 M-A6 M-A2; M-A3; M-A4 M-Ad canticum M-Inv M-Inv M-Inv; M-A12 M-A7; M-A10; L-A1; 2V-Am M-A7 M-A10 L-A3 212 213 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 12. Neumes of the office of St Landoaldus Short neumes clivis pes porrectus torculus climacus scandicus pes subbipunctis 1V-Am 10 - 3 17 1 5 6 2 2 M-I 6-1 9 0 2 0 2 0 M-A1 4 9 0 0 2 1 0 M-A2 9 or 8-1 10 0 0 0 1 0 M-A3 5-3 9 0 0 2 0 0 M-A4 6-1 10 0 1 1 0 0 M-A5 6 16 0 2 2 0 2 M-A6 7-3 12 0 3 1 2 0 M-A7 7 19 0 0 2 1 0 M-A8 8 11 0 1 1 3 0 M-A9 8-2 10 0 0 1 0 0 M-A10 8-2 10 0 1 1 3 0 M-A11 8-4 9 0 1 3 1 0 M-A12 7-1 14 1 0 3 0 0 M-Ac 9-1 12 0 5 4 3 0 L-A1 6-2 14 0 2 2 0 0 L-A2 11 12 0 1 1 0 0 L-A3 9 13 0 1 3 0 0 L-A4 6-1 8 0 2 2 2 0 L-A5 6-3 13 0 1 1 0 0 L-Ab 7-4 25 1 2 9 3 0 2V-Am 10 - 2 22 1 2 4 4 1 A R I F B G C --jhgf-- --ghgh-- --hgfg-- --hggf-- --jhgfe-- --hghggf- --hghg-- 1V-Am (3x); M-A8; M-A9 (2x); L-A2; L-A5 (2x); L-Ab (3x); 2V-Am 1V-Am 1V-Am; M-Ac; L-Ab M-A6; L-A4; 2V-Am M-Ac 2V-Am L-Ab Long neumes 214 215 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 13. Neumes of the office of St Livinus Short neumes clivis pes porrectus torculus climacus scandicus pes subbipunctis 1V-Am 14 - 2 13 1 5 5 3 2 M-I 14 - 1 6 0 3 0 1 3 M-A1 6 9 0 1 2 0 1 M-A2 4 7 0 1 4 2 0 M-A3 2 8 1 0 0 0 3 M-A4 4-1 5 0 1 1 1 2 M-A5 1-3 7 0 2 0 1 0 M-A6 3-2 9 0 2 1 0 0 M-A7 9 6 0 2 0 0 0 M-A8 5 5 0 3 0 1 1 M-A9 7 4 0 3 1 2 0 M-A10 8-2 8 0 1 0 2 0 M-A11 8-1 6 0 1 2 0 1 M-A12 5 4 0 2 0 1 2 M-Ac 15 - 1 11 0 0 0 2 0 L-A1 5-4 9 0 0 3 1 1 L-A2 5 7 0 2 0 1 0 L-A3 2-2 9 0 1 1 2 1 L-A4 6-4 8 0 0 1 1 2 L-A5 4 6 0 3 1 1 0 L-Ab 16 - 2 6 0 7 0 0 1 2V-Am 10 - 5 15 0 3 1 0 3 A Y X F E D --kjhg-- --gjhhg-- --gjhgf- --jhhg-- --kjkjh-- --gfhg-- M-A9; 2V-Am M-I; M-A9; M-A10 M-A10 M-A11 1V-Am 1V-Am; 2V-Am Long neumes 216 217 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 14. Neumes of the office of St Gaugericus Short neumes clivis pes porrectus torculus climacus scandicus pes subbipunctis 1V-A1 11 7 0 3 1 2 1 1V-A2 8 8 0 6 0 0 1 1V-A3 14 10 0 2 1 2 0 1V-A4 7 5 0 1 0 2 0 1V-A5 16 13 0 3 0 0 2 1V-Am 8 9 0 8 0 1 1 M-I 5 8 0 2 2 1 1 M-A1 7 2 0 1 0 0 0 M-A2 2 2 0 0 0 1 0 M-A3 3 4 0 2 0 1 0 M-A4 1 5 0 1 0 0 0 M-A5 5 5 0 1 0 1 0 M-A6 4 6 0 0 0 1 0 M-A7 12 5 1 1 0 0 0 M-A8 5 6 0 0 1 0 0 M-A9 1 5 0 1 0 0 0 L-A1 2 6 0 0 0 1 1 L-A2 6 4 0 0 0 0 0 L-A3 5 6 0 2 0 1 0 L-A4 10 10 0 0 0 1 0 L-A5 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 L-Ab 6 5 0 2 0 0 1 2V-Am 8 7 0 0 0 1 0 U B A R T Q Z C --fghgf-- --kjhgf-- --jhgf-- --fhghj-- --ghjh-- --ghgh-- --ghghg-- --hghg- 1V-A5; M-A8 M-I M-I; L-A5 M-I M-A1 (2x) M-I M-A8 1V-A3; M-I Long neumes 218 219 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES HAGGH-HUGLO – MEDIEVAL OFFICES FROM GHENT AND CAMBRAI Table 15. Neumes of the office of St Maxellendis Short neumes clivis pes porrectus torculus climacus scandicus pes subbipunctis 1V-Am 7 8 1 0 3 2 3 M-I 7 5 0 1 3 3 1 M-A1 5 6 0 3 4 0 0 M-A2 8 5 0 0 0 1 0 M-A3 2 9 0 0 5 2 0 M-A4 4 6 0 0 4 3 0 M-A5 9 3 1 1 1 2 0 M-A6 6 4 1 4 1 2 0 M-A7 11 6 0 2 3 3 0 M-A8 9 5 0 1 1 4 0 M-A9 5 9 0 2 4 0 0 L-A1 7 4 0 1 0 2 1 L-A2 9 5 0 0 0 3 1 L-A3 9 9 0 2 1 2 1 L-A4 10 8 0 0 0 1 0 L-A5 9 5 0 2 1 2 0 L-Ab 6 7 0 1 1 4 1 2V-Am 3 9 0 0 4 1 0 T M C E Q H BB --fghg-- --hghjh-- --jhjh-- --kjkjh-- --ghgh-- --hghj-- --ghghgfe- 1V-Am; M-I; L-A1 M-I M-A2 M-A1; 2V-Am L-A2 L-A5 L-A3 Long neumes 220 221 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES In this study I have given priority to topics contemporary with the composers of these six offices: the psalmody of the office antiphons and responsories, and their neumation. Where possible, it would be interesting to compare the pairs of initia and differentiae to tonaries, though the choice of differentia may reflect the date of the manuscript rather than of the office, and tonaries may not survive from the same region as the offices.23 A catalogue of longer neumes and their use might also reveal interesting patterns of regional practice or transmission. Jean-François Goudesenne Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes, CNRS, Orléans Geography and historiography in early West Frankish historiae (750-950) In the following pages I would like to propose a change of emphasis in our view of the development of the Sanctorale in the Frankish realm in the eighth to tenth centuries. Research has hitherto focused mainly on historiae composed after 900 – a sort of terminus post quem was established by Antoine Auda’s publication of the offices composed about that date by Stephen of Liège, with chants in numerical modal order (Auda 1923). However, we might profitably redirect our attention to the evidence of new composition before this date, which reveals a remarkable concentration of creativity in the geographical area of Frankish Neustria, with Saint-Denis and Tours as its two best-known centres. This is, of course, the period when Roman chant was adopted and adapted for the Carolingian church. I wish to raise the question, at least – before it can be answered, more music analysis will have to be done – as to whether chants from before the ‘Gregorian’ revision of the office repertory may survive among the historiae of Frankish Neustria. I begin with a simple list, with bibliographical references, of the historiae which can be placed in this area and period (section 1) and then I discuss the circumstances under which they were created (sections 2-4). After noting references to Rome in historiae texts (5), I summarize stages of Carolingian reform and symptoms of a general break in transmission in the tenth century, taking into account the irruption of the Vikings and Normans (6). Finally some of the changes in the musical conception of office chant cycles are discussed (7). 23. I thank Christian Meyer for this list of readable Aquitanian tonaries in Gallica: F-Pn lat. 776 (Gaillac, XI) <http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84546727/f303.item.zoom>; F-Pn lat. 780 (Narbonne, XI) <http://gallica. bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6000736q>; F-Pn lat. 909 (Limoges, XI) <http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84323046>. 222 1. The distribution of historiae in the Carolingian realm to circa 930 The historiae that can be located in the Carolingian realm up to about 930 are listed in the table below, together with an indication of their place of origin and authorship (where known), and references to sources, editions, and other literature (see Table 1). Given the strong cultural links between several generations of scholars in the Carolingian period, and their consciousness of their place in a historical continuum, prudence has to be exercised when defining the temporal limits of the present study. The sequence of events in the tenth century is by no means clear. Yet the turn of the century, around 900, seems too early to be designated as the point when the chief period of establishing liturgical practice was over. 223 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Table 1. Historiae in the Carolingian realm to ca. 930 Saint Place of origin Significant dates, authorship Early sources (to ca. 1050) (those in CAO are referred to only by siglum) Editions, studies (* = study) Amandus Elnone (St-Amand) elevatio 809, translation under Milo 845 I-Rvat Reg. Lat. 466 (10th-11th c.) Goudesenne 2002a, [93]-[108] Apollinaris Ravenna translation 9th c. CAO: M Bartholomaeus Benevento, Azzano translation from Lipari to Benevento 838 CAO: EM Benedictus Montecassino/Fleury/ Subiaco translation from Cassino to Fleury 703; restoration/reform at Fleury 930-988 CAO: C *Goudesenne 2014, 44-47 Bricius Tours vitae by Gregory of Tours and Sulpicius Severus E-Tc 44.1 (11th c.) *Guilmard 2006; Goudesenne 2015 Weakland 1959; Chartier 1995, 392-399 Cathedra Petri Reims office by Hucbald ca. 900 CAO: H Chrysanthus and Daria Münstereifel/ Prüm translation under Markward from Prüm 844; inventio of relics 886 D-LEu 169 / Rep. I.93 (10th c.) Cilinia Reims or Laon office possibly by Hucbald ca. 900 I-Vc 205 (late 10th c.); F-LA 262 (second half 12th c.) Chartier 1995, 5; Goudesenne 2002a, [197]-[202] Cornelius and Cyprianus Compiègne/ St. Denis chronicle by Hilduin (abbot 814-840) F-R 1391 (12th c.) *Dolbeau 1992, 51-52; Goudesenne 2002a, [3]-[16] Crispinus and Crispinianus Soissons see early sources CAO: C Goudesenne 2002a, [17]-[20] and [109]-[119] Cuthbertus Lindisfarne-Durham see early sources GB-Ccc 183 (first half 10th c., s.n.), GB-Lbl Harley 1117 (early 11th c.) *Hohler 1956; *Sole 1998 Cyricus and Iulitta Nevers or Elnone office by Hucbald ca. 900 F-Pm 1708 (early 11th c.); F-VAL 114 (second half 12th c.) Weakland 1959; Chartier 1995, 5-6; Goudesenne 2002a, [203]-[216] Dionysius (Rusticus and Eleutherius) St-Denis dedication under Fulrad and Charlemagne 775; translation under Hilduin 834 CAO: C Goudesenne 2002b Eligius Noyon 860-986 (between Norman raids and restoration under Lindulf) Mont-Renaud (second half 10th c.); F-TO 1028 (10th-11th c.) Goudesenne 2002a, [120]-[136] Eugenius St-Denis or Toledo translation 914-918 Petersen, Holger, 1925 Eusebius Vercelli reform/restoration under Attone (924-960) CAO: E *Vitale in this volume, 373-402; Capellino 1997, 401-402 Fillastrus Brescia translation 853-950 GB-Ob Can. lit. 366 (11th c.) *Goudesenne 2009, 20-21 Fuscianus, Victoricus Corbie or Laon and Gentiane translation 900 Mont-Renaud (second half 10th c.) Jonsson 1968, 210-213; Goudesenne 1996, III, 677-714 Gallus St. Gallen office possibly by Ratpert (873-902) D-W Guelf. 17.5. Aug. 4° and GB-Lbl Add. 21170 (10th c.) *Berschin et al 1989-1990; *Möller 2000; Tremp et al. Historiae 21 Gaugericus Cambrai Benedictine abbey and collegiate church founded in 9th c. by Theoderic Goudesenne 1996, II, 35-69 Germanus Parisiensis Paris translations 755 and 845 CAO: C Gervasius and Prothasius Milan or Soissons ? or Sées or Le Mans dedication 815 by Rothade of Soissons (d. 869) F-LA 107 (10th c.); I-Rvat Reg. Lat. 466 (10th-11th c.) Gregorius German version see early sources A-Wn s.n. 3645 and D-Mbs cgm 6943 (late 9th c.) *Stäblein 1975, 182-183 Hilarius Poitiers see early sources E-Tc 44.1 and 44.2 (11th c.) Haggh-Huglo Historiae 28 Lambertus Metz or Liège office by Stephen of Liège ca. 900 B-Br 14650-59 Auda 1923, 187-197 224 Goudesenne 2002a, [21]-[39] 225 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Saint Place of origin Significant dates, authorship Early sources (to ca. 1050) (those in CAO are referred to only by siglum) Marcus Venice translation 830 Martinus Tours office quoted in Alcuin, Sermo in Transitu (end 8th c.) CAO all sources *Goudesenne 2004 Maurus Glanfeuil or Monte Cassino translation 868 (from Glanfeuil to St-Maur-desFossés); writings by Odo of Glanfeuil ca., 920; Cluniac reform of Fossés 989-1005 F-AN 261; F-CHR 89 (late 10th c.) *Goudesenne 2012, 212ff. Mauricius and the Theban Legion Agaune writings by Eucherius of Lyon, Walahfrid Strabo, Marbod, Gregory of Tours, Sigebert of Gembloux and others CAO: CGEMHS Stäblein 1955, col. 1310-11; Huglo 1971, 318; Hankeln Historiae 30 Medardus Soissons writings by Venantius Fortunatus, Radbod of Noyon, Odilo of Soissons; translation to Dijon (early 10th c.) CAO: C Goudesenne 2013, 375ff. Nazarius Milan or Frankish Gaul linked with Gervasius CAO: M Editions, studies (* = study) Cattin 1990, 2, 86-88; 3, 110-111 Nicasius Reims Historia Remensis ecclesiae by Flodoard (894-966) Mont-Renaud (second half 10th c.) Goudesenne 2002a, [229]-[239] Othmar St. Gallen Vita Gozberti by Walafrid Strabo (BHL 6386); Miracula by Yso (BHL 6387); Rythmi by Ekkehard IV (BHL 6388) D-W Guelf. 17.5. Aug. 4° (10th c.) *Berschin et al 1999 Quintinus Vermand Translatio 835 (BHL 7017); Miracula 10th c. (BHL 7019) CAO: C Goudesenne 2002a, [21]-[39] Remigius Reims translation 852 under Hincmar D-Mbs clm 29316 (9th-10th c.); I-VEcap 205 (10th-11th c.) Goudesenne 1996, III, 41-109; Goudesenne 2002a, [72]-[90] Richarius Centule/St. Riquier Vita by Alcuin ca. 800 (BHL 7223); Vita et Miracula metrica by Angelram (975) (BHL 7231); Vita by Hariulf (980) (BHL 7234) Saturninus Toulouse or Auch Gesta, letter from Bernard I to Agapitus II (946-955) E-Tc 44.1 and 44.2 (11th c.) *Gilles 2002 Sebastianus Milan Passio by St Ambrose (BHL 7543); translation 826 under Hilduin to Soissons; Translatio by monk Odilo of St Medard (BHL 7545) CAO: GEMHS Stephani Inventio Metz or Liège Stephen of Liège ca. 900 F-AS 650 (10th-11th c.); CAO: S Sylvester Rome or Nonantola translation 753/4 (cf. BHL 7736/7) Symphorianus Autun Miracula in Gregory of Tours (BHL 7970) CAO: CEMV Syrus (Ticinensis) Pavia Translatio 9th c. (BHL 7978) CAO: E Theodericus (Thierry) Reims office by Hucbald ca. 900 Trinitas Metz or Liège office by Stephen of Liège ca. 900 CAO: H; F-CHR 47 (ca. 930) Auda 1923, 113-121 Vedastus Arras 852 inventio of relics (Inventio et miracula by provost Ulmar, late 9th c.); 893 relatio of relics from Beauvais (after Norman invasions) CAO: C Goudesenne 2002a, [21]-[39] Victor Marseille 966-977 (Benedictine reform) Zeno Verona Elevatio et Miracula early 9th c. (BHL 9011) 226 Auda 1923, 58-66 Chartier 1995, 346-371; Goudesenne 2002a, [21]-[39] *Goudesenne 2002c CAO: V 227 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE The production of the great codices with the first neumatic notations continues through the first half of the tenth century, which seems to argue for an ebb rather in the decades 930-950. The table offers a global perspective on the Carolingian historiae, taking into account as far as possible the most recent research on the dating of relevant hagiographical texts. These are of course a terminus a quo for the liturgical texts based upon them, whose surviving sources may postdate the tenth century. While several of the proposed dates must perforce remain hypothetical, the circumstantial evidence supporting them is strong. stage. It is thus no surprise to find great variability in the diffusion of the antiphons and responsories of, for example, the Dionysius office (Goudesenne 2002b, xxxVIIVIII). Even when the early transmission of an office is relatively stable, as in the Martin office Martinus adhuc catecumenus, other chants may enter the lines of transmission, for example the antiphon Domine deus noster (CAO 2335), which becomes embedded in later East Frankish versions of the office. Our understanding of the situation in later periods (twelfth to fifteenth centuries) has biased us towards seeing capital cities as centres of overriding influence and distribution (Depreux 2005). But historiae remain local, as the example of Paris shows (Gastoué 1903-1904; Wright 1989, 49). The historia for St Germanus of Auxerre originated in Paris and is linked more with the eleventh-century historia for St Genevieve of Paris than with the see of Auxerre. It attained a modest diffusion (Cambrai, Arras, England), whereas the homonymous offices for Germanus of Paris, Marcellus, and Gendulphus remained purely local (Haggh 1998). 2. Historiae, the veneration of relics, and poliadic cults in Gaul The list above suggests a strong concentration of activity in the composition of historiae in Frankish Gaul (meaning, of course, an area considerably larger than modern France). As early as 397 the Council of Carthage had sanctioned the reading of martyrs’ passions in the liturgy, a practice obviously not restricted to the Frankish kingdoms. It was part and parcel of the Christian cult of relics, particularly in Rome and Italian sees (Riché 1991, 220). But the creation of new historiae is peculiarly Frankish. They were totally unknown in the Iberian peninsula before its Romanization, and were absent from the Ambrosian rite as well, both rites using only psalmic or other biblical texts. Furthermore, as a literary and liturgical genre, historiae traceable to the seventh and eighth centuries are elements within poliadic cults (that is, cults tied to a particular city or town, polis), which can be traced back to as early as the sixth century, increasing strongly during Merovingian and Carolingian times, when the political entities and their historians needed to construct the memory of their own past, using narrative processes in their literary works (Depreux 2002; McKitterick 2009, 33-68). Together with other poetic liturgical compositions, historiae facilitated an actualization of the biblical record, combining scriptural texts with the history of the Franks and other Christian nations, where biblical history was still in progress. This is how we should understand the freedom with which liturgical books took up so many new hagiographic and historical texts. After a certain degree of stability had been achieved around 900 in the mass and office, the employment of non-biblical texts and new formularies becomes increasingly evident, the number of such texts increasing exponentially up to the late Middle Ages. The geographical diffusion of historiae is the natural counterpart of the absence of any centralized power. The royal or imperial court was generally itinerant at this time, using the cathedral and monastic networks for its own administrative purposes. Episcopal monasteries and royal basilicas, built around memorial cults, may be seen as characteristic of the period before 900. Liturgical and musical repertories were not elaborated from one unique centre, but developed along networks nourished by a variety of sources, and were liable to modification at every 228 – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) 3. A case in point: the diffusion of Alcuin’s Invocatio Trinitatis The way in which various sources and influences operated on the materials of a historia is illustrated by the Trinity office Gloria tibi trinitas, which is of great importance from a theological point of view. Its success was the culmination of several stages of germination, beginning in Tours with Alcuin’s De fide sanctae et individuae Trinitatis dedicated to Charlemagne, also called Invocatio Trinitatis,1 which was widely distributed all over the Carolingian realm, thus preparing the way for the chant cycle composed a century later by Stephen, member of the palace school of Charles the Bald, cathedral canon in Metz, and bishop of Liège 903-920 (Close 2008). One may ask whether the success of the historia was not due more to Alcuin’s reputation and admiration for his work than to its authorship by Stephen. Other centres in the West contributed extra chants to the Trinity cycle, notably when the Benedictine cursus with twelve lessons required new responsories. The original nucleus remains very stable. Variation is nevertheless discernible in the readings both for music and texts. The best readings are those in sources from Corbie,2 even though Corbie lies outside Lotharingia, where the office was composed. If we look at details of ornamentation, intonation formulas, and the numerous neumae with repetitive, symmetrical schemes (aa bb), which I believe to be original, then sources from neither Metz nor Liège stand closest to this putative original. Furthermore, by this argument, the fourteenth-century antiphoner from 1. Alcuin 1863, 1873, 2012; see also Alcuin’s dedicatory letter, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH Epistolae Karolini aevi 4, 414-416. 2. F-AM 115, breviary, end of the twelfth century; compare Auda 1923, 113-121; Goudesenne 2011. 229 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE Ste-Croix, Liège, upon which Auda’s edition is based, is probably not the most accurate witness for this corpus (Frisque 1990). The Corbeian breviary has more convincing readings of ornamental details, repeating systematically the small periods in tripartite neumas (aab, abb), also giving standard responsory formulas in unabbreviated form, not to mention its version of the Latin text, which is much more correct in its high Carolingian renderings. Thus the absence of production of new historiae in such an important cultural centre as Corbie before the eleventh century – Anscharius, monk of Corbie and “Apostle of the North” in the ninth century, received a proper office only later, probably written in the monastery – is as it were compensated by the preservation of accurate versions of the offices for the Trinity (CAO 97) and the Exaltation of the Cross (CAO 110). In the following table we indicate lists of complementary pieces that are not in the main corpus attributed by Auda to Stephen of Liège, but which constitute a sort of parallel tradition (worth editing in a revised edition of Stephen’s works). They are mostly to be found in monastic sources. Literary formulas for the Trinity in Stephen’s office appear to be echoed in new offices such as All Saints, Audomarus, Vedastus, the Holy Cross, and even in the Commune sanctorum (see Table 2). Table 2. The wider connections of Stephen of Liège’s Trinity office 4. Neustrian Frankish centres Neustrian centres important for the early cultivation of historiae are marked on the map below (see Figure 1, p. 232). Saint-Denis and more specifically the historiae for its patron saint (to whom we may add the martyrs Cornelius and Cyprianus) have been accorded a fair amount of attention, while other centres and saints deserve more systematic investigation, for example Eustachius and Eugenius from Toledo. Tours, studied by Pierre-Marie Gy (1979, 1988) and then by Dom Guilmard (2006), clearly exercised considerable influence on the history of the office. The Martin office Martinus adhuc catecumenus, together with the ninth-century historia for Martin’s successor Brice (their feasts fall on 11 and 13 November respectively) may even be said to create a new typology of historiae, a dynastic corpus, for “Martinopolis” (Goudesenne 2015). Guilmard’s arguments for the importance of Tours are confirmed when we follow the diffusion of the highly successful responsory O quantus erat luctus, found in four other historiae, all composed at the turn of the ninth to tenth century.3 Martinus Maurus Sylvester Eusebius of Vercelli Bartholomaeus O quantus erat luctus (CAO 7295) O quantus moeror (CAO 7296) O quantus est colendus (CAO 7295) O quantus erat fletus episcop. (CAO 7294) O quam precipuis laudibus (CAO 7287) – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Stephen of Liège’s Historia Concordances with other contemporary historiae Inv. Deum verum Historia Audomari (St-Omer): Inv. Unum deum in Trinitate Hymnus Gloria laudis; Laus deo patri Hymnus Vedasti (attributed to Alcuin) Voce iocunda Texts quoting the Trinity historia R Benedictus deus [tonus II] R Ad laudem et gloriam [tonus II] (Historia Vedasti) R Honor virtus Hymnus Felix Vedastus (Hymnus Vedasti attrib. Alcuin) Parallel corpus for Trinity feast (monastic cursus; not by Stephen) R O sublime decus4 – CANTUS ID 601658; sources from St-Amand, Arras, St-Taurin l’Échelle (F-Pn 12601), Aquitaine (E-Tc 44.2) R O beata trinitas te laudamus5 [tonus I] – CAO 7254; adapted for R Sacer sanctus [tonus I] (Historia Vedasti) R Deum time [tonus II] – CAO 6416; related to R Agmina sacra [tonus I]; R Felix namque [tonus I] (Commune confessorum) R Deus maiestatis rex 6 – CAO 6426; Arras, St-Taurin l’Échelle, CAO L, I-Rval C5 Ant. [?] Te decet laus – CANTUS ID 850332 Rbrev Magnus dominus noster – CAO 7117 Rbrev Haec est dies7 R Excelsus super omnes – CAO 6692 R Oriens splendor lucis (with prosula) – CANTUS ID 6017178 R Laudem dicite letantes trino – CAO 70809 , , ,, , 4 5 6 7 8 9 4. R O sublime decus, trino quod nomine polles, te tremit et laudat cunctarum machina rerum, *Scilicet ether, humus, mare, sol seu fulgida luna. VÓTe laudat generosus homo altithroni quem lustrat imago. 5. R O beata Trinitas te laudamus te benedicimus te adoramus, auge in nobis fidem auge spem, auge caritatem *o beata trinitas. V Tibi laus tibi gloria tibi gratiarum actio in secula sempiterna. 6. R Deus majestatis rex omnipotens, cui astat angelorum chorus exercitus caelorum, te adorat et orbis terrarum laudes tuas resonat et cuncta creata simul, *tibi laus et honor et gloria o beata Trinitas sancte sanctorum. V. Gloriam psallat chorus. In L and I-Rval C5: V Benedictio et claritas. 7. In L and I-Rval C5. 8. See F-Pn lat. 1090, E-Tc 44.1, … 3. 230 This responsory is often a prolix one, placed at the end of a nocturn: see Goudesenne 2012, 225. 9. In I-BV 21, fol. 272. 231 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) After Tours, the see of Soissons should be mentioned. Its cathedral was dedicated to the martyrs Gervasius and Prothasius in 815 under Bishop Rothadus. The famous “Compendiensis” (gradual and antiphoner, manuscript C in CAO) was written at the abbey of St Medard for Charles the Bald’s imperial coronation around 875 (Huglo 1993, 129). The manuscript also contains the office of Crispinus and Crispinianus, patron saints of another monastery in Soissons. Chants for all three nocturns on this feast day are recorded, one antiphon being entered also in I-VEcap 98 (ms. V in CAO). Astonishingly for this early source, the first antiphon of the Second Nocturn Quibus haec optantibus is notated by the main hand (see Figure 2).10 But Medardus, patron saint of the great abbey, receives the most important historia in the Compendiensis. (Space is left in the manuscript for a title, presumably in gold letters, which was never entered. Medardus would have been the only saint in the whole antiphonary to be thus distinguished.). Amalarius mentions the office as well, indicating diffusion outside Soissons.11 (We shall speak about this historia later when we consider apparent breaks in transmission.) 0 100 Figure 2 Antiphon Quibus haec optantibus for Medardus (F-Pn lat. 17436, fol. 81r, detail) 200 km Limites Neustrie / Austrasie / Aquitaine Évéché Centre réévalué Partage de Verdun (843) Métropole Centre réévalué, sources manquantes Zones mouvantes Centre majeur Centre réformé au Xe-XIe s. Centre majeur, sources manquantes Centre d’un réseau concurrent Centre mineur Centre mineur, sources manquantes Figure 1 Map of important Neustrian ecclesiastical centres *Map redrawn from Goudesenne 2018, p. 387 © ANNE-LAURENT / J.-FR. GOUDESENNE 232 For St Quintinus, from the nearby Vermandois, the Compendiensis has chants only for Lauds.12 For the second half of the ninth century we should take into account such cities as Rheims (in Table 1: Cathedra Petri, Cilinia, Nicasius, Remigius, Theodericus) and Soissons/Compiègne, both satellites of Hilduin’s school at Saint-Denis: both their texts and their melodic materials show common features, thus they constitute a small related group. Other centres distinguished by historiae for their patron saints are the famous monastery of Elnone (Saint10. There is a notable discrepancy in the text here – optantibus/orantibus – as often in the Compendiensis, corrected by Hesbert, following the text of the Vita. 11. In Liber de ordine antiphonarii, ed. Hanssens, III, 64. 12. CAO no. 144.5 for Crispin and 114.6 for Quentin. 233 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE Amand – Amandus), central to the education of the sons of Charles the Bald (Chartier 1995, 5), Noyon, with the famous episcopal monastery of St Eloi (Eligius), Beauvais (Lucianus), and Amiens (Firminus – actually two distinct persons, the first a martyr of the late third century, the second a simple bishop of the fourth). The witnesses to historia composition in this early period outside Neustria are less numerous. The cult of St Hilary of Poitiers (in Aquitania) is preCarolingian; a historia was composed there in the second half of the ninth century.13 Although Metz (in Austrasia, as was the Carolingian capital, Aachen) is often regarded as a sort of ‘capital’ of Gregorian chant, the historia for its patron saint Arnulfus – related to the Pippinids and closely associated with the very identity of Austrasia – does not attempt to stress the importance of the city, but mentions Rheims instead.14 Even if the chant tradition of Metz was so famous that the Cistercians referred to it when reforming their chant three or four centuries later (Hiley 1993, 609-611), it is curious that, as Christopher Page has pointed out (2010, 317, 319), Sigebert of Gembloux, writing in Lotharingia not far from Metz, regards Rouen as the most famous see for liturgy and chant. Looking further east, we find chants for the Roman martyrs Chrysanthus and Daria in the famous antiphonary table now in Leipzig (D-LEu Rep. I 93) from the early tenth century, a source originating in Prüm.15 These are obviously not Roman chants, but new items composed after relics of the saints had been given by Sergius II to Abbot Markward when visiting Rome at the behest of Emperor Lothaire in 844.16 But Poitiers and Prüm are the exceptions rather than the rule. While sources have no doubt been lost, we have few early historiae beyond those already mentioned. The early ninth-century office for Emmeram of Regensburg, the tenth-century office for Cuthbert of Lindisfarne, and the two offices of the same period from St. Gall – for Gallus and Othmar respectively – more or less complete the picture.17 5. Rome in historiae texts Rome is often mentioned in the texts of historiae, but not, of course, in connection with liturgy or music. Most of the historiae citing Rome were probably composed around 950-1050, a period of revival after the disasters of the late ninth and early tenth centuries, when new structures and melodies emerged. In this context, occasions when ‘classical Gregorian’ or Franco-Roman type melodies are employed are doubly interesting. As an example we may cite the responsory Predicatione apostolica in mode 4 from the historia for Lucianus of Beauvais, datable to around 900 (see Example 1).18 13. – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Example 1. R Predicatione apostolica for Lucianus of Beauvais (F-Psg 117, fol. 154r) Ed. Haggh-Huglo 2018 (Historiae 28). 14. A very rare office, found only in the West. Our dating of this office, transmitted in St-Maur-des-Fossés (F-Pn lat. 12044, fols. 161r-163v), Chartres, and Angers, is based on the attribution to Eudes de Glanfeuil (868) and the return of the monks from Glanfeuil to St-Maur-des-Fossés, and not to the sources actually preserved, which are from the tenth century and later. See Goudesenne 2012, 201. 15. Yves Chartier 2009 argues for the Irish origin of the notators, perhaps from Corbie. 16. See Regesta Imperii, anno 844, online: <http://www.regesta-imperii.de>. 17. On Emmeram see Yeager 2009; on Cuthbert see Hohler 1956; on Gallus see Berschin - Ochsenbein - Möller 1989-1990, Möller 2000, and Tremp - Berschin - Hiley 2012; on Othmar see Berschin - Ochsenbein - Möller 1999. Coincidentally, the feast days of Dionysius (9 October) and Gallus (15 October) stand close to each other in the calendar, and it is interesting to trace at a glance, as it were, the influence of the contrasting West and East Frankish traditions in which these saints played a part. One can sketch a boundary line in Cisalpine Gaul as far as Provence by mapping out the places where the two saints were venerated. 234 18. Adapted from the transcription in Goudesenne 1996, IV, 218. 235 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES While the responsory verses are sung to the standard tones, and the modal order of the chants is not numerical, the office often presents non-traditional turns of phrase. Predicatione apostolica relates to the missionary work of Lucianus, one of the legendary group of twelve apostles of Gaul (Jullian 1923). He converts the people by preaching and singing chant the Roman way: “Predicatione apostolica, Romanis artibus choruscante […]” And for this very phrase the melody follows a traditional formula.19 Does this happen just by chance? Lucianus, like many other saints, is a prototype of the apostolic saint, coming from Rome to Gaul. Such saints, more legendary than historical, were often bishops and founders of monasteries. Here in Beauvais, as in Rheims, Noyon, or Soissons, we find an episcopal monastery in the Carolingian period (Goudesenne 2002a, 230). Later, when martyrs were succeeded by confessors, the direction of travel was reversed, as it were, with pilgrims journeying to the Holy City, and diplomatic exchanges between local churches and the papacy, as in the cases of Firminus of Amiens (the bishop, distinct from the first martyr), Fuscianus, Victoricus, and Gentianus, Amandus, Bricius of Tours, the monastic founders Benedict, Maurus, Arnulfus of Metz. Are there other examples where the appearance of Rome in the text of the historia is mirrored by a reference to ‘Roman’ chant idiom? 6. Finding patterns in an unstable period The earliest historiae are by no means uniformly transmitted, and reflect the overall condition of change and instability in liturgical developments typical of the period. Thus the historiae in the Compendiensis (or ‘Antiphoner of Charles the Bald’) or the Mont-Renaud manuscript contain chants difficult to trace in later sources. For example, the above-mentioned antiphon for Crispinus and Crispinianus Quibus haec optantibus is absent from all known later sources, nor can a melody be found that corresponds to the Paleofrankish neumes probably entered by the first hand, in 870-877. We see the same phenomenon with the historia of St Medardus. The Medardus chants are slightly better known because a few items survive in a thirteenth-century source from Saintes (the breviary F-Pn lat. 16309, mid-thirteenth century), and I was fortunate enough to find some of the responsories in a late antiphoner from Novara, an exceptional discovery probably resulting from a translation of relics (Goudesenne 2013). But the transmission of the texts is by no means stable, as the following transcriptions show: GOUDESENNE – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Historia Medardi, R. Inter christicolas / Pars tibi 20 F-Pn lat. 17436 (Compendiensis) (Soissons, ca. 870) R Inter christicolas quos actio vexit in astris *Pars tibi pro meritis magna Medarde pater V Exsilium tibi mundus erat caenosa caventi (CAO 6978) F-Pn lat. 16309 (Saintes, 13th century) R Pars tibi pro meritis magne Medarde pater, Quos actio vexit in astris *Inter christicolas V Gloriam petisti gloriam conserutus es gloriosus exultas I-NOVd A1 (Novara, 1321) R Exsilium tibi mundus erat caenosa caventi et modo te gaudet cive manente polus exutus tenebris, vestitur tegmine lucis post obitum frueris liberiore die V Inter christicolas quos actio vexit in astris pars tibi pro meritis magna Medarde pate[r] (CAO 6700) One wonders which version Amalarius, writing in his Liber Officiorum around 830, might have known when he speaks of having added the offices of Medardus and Mauricius to his antiphoner (Falconer 1999). The instability of the period, and the evident disruption in the tenth century, must have resulted in the loss of other historiae. A Historia Richarii is attested in the chronicles of Saint-Riquier, attributed to Angilbert (740-814), nephew of Charlemagne (Duhamel 2003, 230). Old Neustria was finally replaced by the new Normandy, created in 911. We can only speculate about the number of offices lost during the Norman invasion. The fragmentary antiphoner discovered by Hesbert after the publication of CAO raised the possibility of a native type in this area during the ninth century, before the Norman invasion (Hesbert 1954). Any historiae that might have survived could well have been replaced during the subsequent ecclesiastical and monastic reforms, imported from other areas such as Burgundy, Septimania, or Italy. The historiae for the Milanese martyrs Gervasius and Prothasius present just such a case. A mass for their feast was composed by Gregory the Great after peace with the Lombards had been concluded in 590.21 Their first historia dates from the mid-ninth century and is conservative in style, its antiphons employing type melodies with verses (as in Gallican usage), the responsories following formulas of the ‘classical Gregorian’ pattern.22 (See Example 2 p. 238, where Laon neumes from the earliest known source, F-LA 107, are given.) 20. Cf. Venantius Fortunatus, Carmen de sancto Medardo, 78. 21. The mass beginning with Intr. Loquetur dominus pacem was introduced by Gregory I at the beginning of his pontificate, for peace with the Lombards, as related in the Liber Pontificalis and later in the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine (Jacques de Voragine, La légende dorée, vol. 1, 400). 19. 236 E2 in W. H. Frere’s classic exposition, Antiphonarium Sarisburiense, 1901-1924, 33. 22. Goudesenne 2002a, 215, [21], [28]. The historia may well have been composed for Soissons; early sources survive from Reims and Laon, but later versions of the office are also found in Italian sources. 237 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Example 2. Antiphon Isti sunt angelica for Gervasius and Prothasius (F-AM 112, fol. 165v; neumes of F-LA 107, fol. 1r) This first historia was followed by a new one, versified, first known from a copy with Breton neumes from the tenth-eleventh century,23 and this is relatively new in style, very far from the classical structures. As Yitzak Hen observed (Hen 2016) in the last Jerusalem Colloquium in June 2016, the Carolingian Reform around the Hadrianum sacramentary reordered basic liturgical procedures and created chaotic conditions: The ninth century was an intensive period of liturgical experimentations in the West. New forms of liturgical practices were formulated, older ones were reshaped and readapted, and an unprecedented obsession with liturgical performance spread throughout the Carolingian empire. This activity was, no doubt, inspired by the Carolingian reform movement, but it was also closely linked to the changing views of late Carolingian political ideology […]. I shall look at some of the phenomena that characterized the changing nature of the Frankish liturgy during the ninth century, among them some of the most bizarre and gruesome liturgical turns. While Hen was mostly concerned with the relatively well documented history of the sacramentary, his strictures may well be relevant to liturgical chant. Some pieces are employed as a sort of ‘new commune’ group for several confessors, for example the antiphon Ave praesul gloriose (CAO 1541) and the responsory Agmina sacra (CAO 6063) with its contrafactum Felix namque (CAO 6725).24 These may be contemporaneous with new chants from the end of the tenth century sometimes attributed to Robert the Pious.25 Yet, although the responsories conform largely to mode 1 models, they display a specific cadence (C FF D or C EF D) that Gastoué and others have classified as Gallican.26 The great antiphon Insignes preconiis (CAO 3355) is ignored at Rome but found in the Beneventan,27 Gallican, and Ambrosian 28 rites, for the martyrs Vincentius, Mauritius, Sebastian, and Dionysius (Example 3a, p. 240) (Goudesenne 2009, 24 ex. 1). 23. Huglo 1963, 75. We might also add the antiphon Gentem francorum from the Remigius historia (transcr. Goudesenne 2002a, [89]) to be completed by a source with paleofrankish neumes, BnF lat. 13397, fol. 115v, see Colette 2003, 52. 24. Processionale monasticum, 242-243. 25. The responsories are assigned to various saints, many already in the Compendiensis (Germanus, Vedastus, Martin, etc.), for example R. O constantia martyrum (CAO 7262). The attributions to the King Robert occur in the Chronicle of St Bertin (see Hincmar in Annales Bertiniani, ed. Félix Grat and Jeanne Vielliard, Paris, 1964), often cited in historical studies: see Pfister 1885, 35. 26. Gastoué 1904. 27. Kelly 1992, 66, 248-249 and 258 (Vincentius); here Insigne preconium is considered as ancient Beneventan. Interchanges with Gregorian or Gallican usage need to be researched further. The antiphon is also in I-MC 542: Livljanic 2014, pl. 86. 28. The antiphoner of Varese now in Ganagobie monastery (olim Hautecombe), 14th-15th c.: see Huglo - Agustoni Cardine - Moneta-Caglio 1956, 252 (no. 89). 238 239 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Example 3a. Antiphon Insignes preconiis Example 3b. Antiphon Insignis preconii for Sebastian (F-Pn lat. 1090, fol. 138v) Sources: - Qlb: D-Bsb Mus. 40047 - Pru: D-TRs 1245/597 - Eli: Mont-Renaud - Den 8: F-Pn lat. 17296 - Ben 21: I-BV 21 240 241 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE Example 4. Antiphon Insignium virorum for Cornelius and Cyprianus VAN: F-AS 650; UTR: NL-Uu 406 Is it really credible that Hilduin, often presented as a pro-Roman reformer and actually involved in the making of the historiae for Dionysius and for Cornelius and Cyprian, did not recycle old Gallican materials, despite his remark that old books at Saint-Denis were too dilapidated and unusable?29 The great processional antiphon Deus omnipotens qui electis tuis,30 adapted from the text of a collect, is comparable to numerous items found in Aquitanian antiphoners and processionals, further evidence of compositional processes widespread in the ninth century, including the maintenance of local pre-Carolingian uses. And this suggests we should be cautious about accepting at face value the statements of chroniclers and historians contrasting Roman and Frankish forms and habits in a rhetorical manner. It is usually assigned to mode 8 in medieval sources, but it does not fit well into the simplified octoechos system. It displays an ambiguity between G and E, with b b or b n , more characteristic of the deuterus, something considered to be a Frankish-Gallican feature (Huglo and Cullin 1995). Example 3a p. 240 gives the readings in sources from Quedlinburg, Prüm, Corbie, St Denis, and Benevento. Yet the reading of Insignes preconiis in the source from Marseilles (F-Pn lat. 1090), given in Example 3b p. 241, is a rather plain one, displaying few ornamental melodic turns of phrase. And this raises the question of possible embellishment (such as extensions by repetition of previous materials) in the St Denis version – the antiphon continues after “martyrum coheres”). Sanctum et verum lumen (CAO 4768) for Mauricius is another example of this type. Insignum virorum (Example 4) in the historia for Cornelius and Ciprianus – a rare item, which may also be attributed to Hilduin of SaintDenis (Goudesenne 2002a, [11]) – presents common features with the melodic group that includes Ave presul gloriose and Insignes preconiis. The melodic reshaping of this Magnificat antiphon from the older model Insignes praeconiis illustrates symptoms of rewriting and simplification to make it conform better to the eight-mode system or octoechos. At the same time, we can see how poetic models – the rhymed antiphons Ave presul gloriose / Ave senior Stephane (CAO 1545) recycled from local ‘Gallican’ prayers – display a dichotomy between poetic and melodic structure, indicating that it will be difficult for contemporary scholars to develop reliable criteria for judging distinctions in Latin repertories. 242 – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) 7. The transformation of musical structures Studies of historiae have understandably tended to concentrate on more or less homogeneous cycles of chants, some early, some later. But a number of cycles may well be a mixture of different chronological layers, including preCarolingian local liturgies (Hiley 1993, 553ff.). Elsewhere I have discussed some of the constellations of chants for the Archangel Michael (29 September), which admittedly involves a more complex hagiography than that for an ‘ordinary’ human saint. The processional antiphon Factum est prelium in caelo (F-Pn lat. 776, fol. 117v) appears to be a relic of responsorial psalmody, thus a part of a pre-Carolingian repertory, transmitted only sporadically. The sequence Summi regis, found in sources before 1000, has been attributed to Alcuin (Bannister 1913, pl. 17a and no. 131, 39-40). It would be worth investigating carefully the corpus of historiae for Michael, which present a complex of different strata dating from the eighth century up to the tenth (with many instances of influence on the offices for Denis, Maurice, Martin, and All Saints) (Goudesenne 2007). An example of ‘non-Gregorian’, possibly Gallican modal behaviour can be seen in the very first responsory, Factum est silentium (CAO 6715), starting in tetrardus but falling back into protus mode. Some versions of the historia for Apollinaris, found in books from Ivrea (and probably elsewhere), contain traces of Old-Italic liturgies, using non-classical verse forms in the texts though the language is formulaic (Goudesenne 2009, exx. 3-5, 25-26). Mauritius is a prototype for the historia of St Martin, and the attributes of these two saints are relevant to the typology of other soldier-saints 29. In a letter to Louis the Pious Hilduin writes: “antiquissimi et nimia pene vetustate consumpti missales libri, continentes missae ordinem more gallico, qui ab initio receptae fidei usu in hoc occidentali plaga est habitus, usque quo tenorem quo nunc utitur romanum susceperit […]”; see Vogel 1966, 119. See also the examples from Jumièges and Saint-Denis studied by Dolbeau 1992, 51 and note 10. 30. Goudesenne 2002b, 29. Unfortunately the antiphon is not transmitted with staff notation. 243 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOUDESENNE from the Roman Empire (Maurey 2014, 180-181). Amédée Gastoué classified several parts of this office – composed at an elevated monastic site in the Valais (within Burgundy and ultimately the Holy Roman Empire) – as relevant for Gallican chant, for example the antiphon Sanctum et verum lumen (CAO 4768), which was later taken into the office for All Saints on 1 November.31 Thus, although this paper has focussed on the area of Neustria, historiae from within a broader geographic area and a longer historical period should ultimately be used for comparison and for the degree to which they display ‘classical Gregorian’ ways of singing the office. After all, several of them were an integral element of the Roman-Frankish liturgical unification. One may pick out offices for the following saints: Philologists and liturgists may be able to locate citations in hagiographical texts or chronicles. Their melodic shape shows transitional features. On the one hand there are standard turns of phrase of the protus mode,34 while in the Mont-Renaud manuscript we find neumes for their verses which clearly indicate more variable, ornamented formulas than the standard Gregorian tones. They are placed as the final responsory of Matins, which may be related to their melodic behaviour and indicate later composition – though not too late, in view of the terminus ante quem of ca. 950 set by the Mont-Renaud manuscript and the wide distribution of manuscripts (Worcester, Noyon, Soissons …). The modal language revolves around a pentachord (D-a) and the adjoining tetrachord (a-d), with the lower tetrachord (A-D). Their neumas display internal repetitions (aab, abb), often coupled to a prosula.35 – – – – Vincent and Sebastian, martyrs of the third and fourth centuries, not Roman, but from northeast Spain and Lombardy respectively. Sebastian was made famous by his translation in 826, proposed by the arch-chancellor Hilduin, sanctioned by Eugene II. Saints who were translated to Gaul from Rome and Milan: Nazarius, whose relics came to Gorze and Lorsch; Gervasius and Prothasius, the invention of whose relics is associated with St Ambrose, and who became dedicatees of such prominent churches as Soissons, Angers, Séez, and Le Mans. Sylvester, whose relics were transferred from Rome to Nonantola in 756, occasioning the making of a historia with a relatively straightforward diffusion.32 A Roman-Benedictine group with Gregory, Benedict, and Maurus, shared between the Italic peninsula and the great Frankish monasteries of Fleury, Glanfeuil, and St-Maur-des-Fossés (Goudesenne 2012). Such responsories as the non-Roman Gloriosi domine testis suis (CAO 6782, sung for Vincentius, Quintinus, Valentinus, Clemens, and Georgius, appearing also in the Commune Martyrum: Goudesenne 2002a, [170]); Isti sunt viri dei (CAO 7020) for Crispinus; Hodie martyrum flores (CAO 6853) for Holy Innocents, Fuscian, Victoricus, and Gentianus, also Gloriosi martires Christi for the same saints,33 have striking, epic poetic texts that can be applied to different saints of the same category, like a sort of pseudo commune, with a certain flexibility in their melody as well as their text. They are difficult to date precisely, because we find them in liturgical books only from the tenth century onward. 31. Gastoué 1904, 37; Stäblein 1955, cols. 1299-1325. 32. The hagiographical and historical background of this historia is very complex, involving the infamous eighth-century forgery, the ‘Donation of Constantine’, a letter supposedly addressed to the pope by Emperor Constantine: see Baudot and Chaussin 1956, 842-843. 33. 244 Neither in CAO nor in Cantus Index; see Goudesenne 2002a, [220]. – GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY WEST FRANKISH HISTORIAE (750-950) Example 5. Antiphon Ablactatus igitur for Remigius CHA: F-Pn lat. 1269; REM 1: I-VCd 205 Much work remains to be done in analysing the melodies of these early offices, in particular in distinguishing ‘classical Gregorian’ elements, attributable to the Frankish adoption of Roman models, from relics of earlier musical strata. Two final examples may be cited. Ablactatus igitur is the second responsory of the Remigius office (Goudesenne 2002a, [89]). Although its classical materials 34. Ia (like Descendit de caelis) in Frere 1901-1924. 35. For Crispin, Diligens quos et in fide germanos, see Goudesenne 2002a, [119]. 245 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES are not all handled in the traditional manner (the second part of the verse repeats the former responsory phrase), we cannot see any very unusual structure compared with Gregorian standard models. We nevertheless observe the frequent use of the ‘Gallican’ ending fg-g, even in the intonation (see Example 5.) Ablactatus igitur is transmitted only sparsely in diastematic sources, in the breviary of Châlons (F-Pn lat. 1269), in F-AN 12, and in a few later books such as an antiphoner from Florennes (Belgium) as late as 1743 (Goudesenne 1997). While we may consider it to be a late Franco-Roman responsory from the end of the ninth century, it is curious that it is not found in more sources. In the Historia Sancti Mauri we again find contradictory elements which arouse the suspicion that we are dealing with several stages in musical composition (Goudesenne 2012, 212ff.). These are just a few of the many questions facing future historia scholarship, as the early development of the genre not only in West Francia but across the rest of Europe is analysed in more detail. Danette Brink Universität Regensburg The seven historiae for the medieval cathedral of Trier: a conservative point of view This paper discusses the liturgical chants written in honour of the saints of Trier – believed to be the seat of the oldest bishopric north of the Alps. Liturgical books from the bishopric contain a wealth of offices for local saints. No less than seventeen historiae are known from the diocese so far, of which seven were composed for the use of the cathedral itself. In the following survey of the offices composed for the cathedral liturgy I explain their unique connection to the city of Trier, and then suggest a hypothetical timeline for these historiae, supported by evidence from the analysis of the text and musical style of each cycle. Historical information about the liturgical veneration of each saint and the survival of some early sources are taken into account. The starting point for my recent dissertation,1 on which this paper is based, was the antiphoner Trier, Bistumsarchiv (D-TRb) MS 480. This source, the oldest surviving witness with staff notation of the liturgical chant repertory of Trier Cathedral, dates to the middle of the fourteenth century. The seven local saints’ offices in D-TRb 480 are as follows, listed in calendric order: Matthias, the apostle who took the place of Judas Iscariot (24 February); Maximinus, fifth Bishop of Trier (29 May); Simeon, hermit, who towards the end of his life settled in Trier (1 June); Helena, mother of Constantine the Great (18 August); Paulinus, sixth Bishop of Trier (31 August); Maternus, third Bishop of Trier (14 September); Eucharius, first Bishop of Trier (9 December). Such a high number of local offices in the liturgical veneration of Trier Cathedral, as also the plentiful evidence of local chant composition in the rest of the diocese (nine more were studied in my dissertation), is impressive. The historiae clearly deserved transcription and analysis. The main part of this paper discusses their stylistic features, then some early fragmentary sources are introduced, before conclusions about the chronology of the offices are offered. 1. Brink 2015. 246 247 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRINK Stylistic criteria In the following, attention will be paid to some of those musical and textual characteristics pointed out by Dobszay, Hiley, Hankeln, and others which may be used to distinguish later office chants, so-called ‘post-’ or ‘neo-Gregorian’ chant, from the ‘traditional’ Gregorian chant repertory.2 The melodies of the ‘traditional’ repertory move within the fairly narrow confines of the tetrachordal system. Melodic building blocks are employed to create shorter or longer melodic structures. In the later style, the narrow tetrachord structures expand to octave structures (or wider) and the traditional tones and formulae tend to disappear. The absence of traditional verse tones in the responsories is another indication of new composition. The later movement away from the use of traditional melodic building blocks toward composing melodies with a modern tonal framework does not necessarily mean that the building-block principle was forgotten (several incipit formulae and cadences were also used in later styles). The ‘neo-Gregorian’ repertory tends to have a high number of the late stylistic characteristics together in one chant. On the one hand there are tonal characteristics such as melodic phrases oriented towards goal pitches. On the other hand we encounter a number of melodic motions or turns of phrase which are non-Gregorian. The subtonal (so-called Gallican) ending is regularly used at the ends of phrases; so also is scalar movement (or scale segments) which span an ambitus larger than a fourth; and frequent interval leaps larger than a fourth. The Latin text can help determine in which era a cycle of chants could have been composed. Prose was the form of choice for chant texts written in the traditional Gregorian style. In this period, rhymed verse in chant texts is rare, but does appear. During the eleventh century rhymed prose and classical verse metres like the hexameter became more popular, and by the end of the twelfth century, accentual rhymed verse had come into vogue. All of these characteristics will not, of course, be present in all offices in such a way that all chants appear homogeneous. Some chants may display a greater density of modern stylistic characteristics, whilst others may have a mixture of traditional and newer features. A comparison of the various densities can help to determine where to place these cycles of office chants on a hypothetical composition timeline, assigning the chants to different ‘layers’ according to their stylistic approach.3 It is probable, however, that the different regions of medieval Europe handled this movement away from the traditional repertory in different ways.4 At the end of the paper we may consider to what extent stylistic criteria are effective in establishing probable dates of composition and what could be considered ‘progressive’ or ‘conservative’. 248 THE SEVEN HISTORIAE FOR THE MEDIEVAL CATHEDRAL OF TRIER Some examples In order to identify their possible composition date, the above-mentioned textual and musical criteria were applied to the seven Trier Cathedral offices. Example 1. We may start with a particularly conservative example, the first Lauds antiphon from the office of St Maximinus, Sanctus pater Maximinus. Comparison with antiphons from the traditional repertory5 reveal that, although it is longer than most (sixty-two syllables), it is tonally unadventurous. It remains within the ambitus D-a except for just two Cs. Example 1. Lauds Antiphon Sanctus pater Maximinus for St Maximinus (mode 1) – D-TRb 480, fol. 203r/405 2. Dobszay 1999; Hankeln 1999, 2001a, 2008; Hiley 1999, 2003a, 2004, 2008b. Hankeln, in particular, has identified many more characteristic features than can be employed in the current essay. See also Hankeln’s paper in the present volume (pp. 91-134). 3. Further work on refining these methods seems to be necessary. Hankeln 2009c places the most modern offices in the eleventh century, later offices often being more restrained or conservative. – 4. This seems to be indicated by the examples in Hiley 2004. 5. Cf. Dobszay and Szendrei 1999, nos. 1062 and 1066. 249 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRINK Example 2. The opening gesture of this antiphon is comparable to the start of roughly forty chants in Dobszay’s and Szendrei’s edition of antiphon melodies, but the rest of the melody appears to be unique. The composer clearly focuses on goal pitches D and a, not only for phrase endings, but also at the end of individual words. The words “pontifex”, “vocabulum”, and “nomine” (final cadence) use the Gallican subtonal ending. There are several descending scale segments: a-C (“magnarum extitit”), a-E + G-C (“sortius est vocabulum”) and a-D[F]G-c at the end. Such scale segments are quite absent from Example 1. Example 3. Moving to the other end of the scale, so to speak, the Magnificat antiphon O gloriosa regina exhibits a much greater density of modern features. This third mode chant has a wide melodic range, from low D up to high e, and even to high g (“devotione”). The melody is firmly anchored to the goal pitches of the mode: the finalis E and the fifth above the finalis, b. Period endings on b are rare in the traditional chant repertory. There are several examples of rapid, mostly scalar movement through an octave or more, for example the phrases beginning “operosa” and “unde nunc”. In the sixth phrase there is even scalar movement from the high c to the low D and back up to G in one syllable (“regnat”). Nevertheless, other stylistic features such as the subtonal ending and wide interval leaps do not appear in this chant. And this is in fact characteristic of the whole office, which emphasises a few modern features while neglecting others almost completely. Example 2. Magnificat Antiphon Beatissimus Eucharius pontifex for St Eucharius (mode 1) – D-TRb 480, fol. 159v/318 – THE SEVEN HISTORIAE FOR THE MEDIEVAL CATHEDRAL OF TRIER Example 3. Magnificat Antiphon O gloriosa regina for St Helena (mode 3) – D-TRb 480, fol. 247r/493 250 251 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRINK – THE SEVEN HISTORIAE FOR THE MEDIEVAL CATHEDRAL OF TRIER Example 4. Another example from a later stylistic layer, yet quite different from Example 3, is the Magnificat antiphon Ave lux et decus. Although the chant texts of the Matthias office are in prose, which might be thought to indicate a relatively early date, the melody of this chant is decidedly oriented towards the goal pitches. Each individual phrase, in some cases individual words, move between the finalis and the fifth above. In the first three phrases the melody moves in either the lower or the higher part of the modal octave, but not both. In the fourth phrase the full octave is traversed in the space of only two words. In contrast to Example 3, subtonal endings and leaps of a fourth or more are present. Example 5. The Benedictus antiphon Laus honor et gloria has a text in rhyming prose. Many of the features seen in Example 4 can be transposed from mode 1 into mode 7. We see regular period endings on the finalis G or the co-final d, and phrases that move entirely within either the lower or the higher part of the modal octave. The melody emphasizes the upper scale segment of the mode, frequently moving around d, very often touching f, and three times going as far as g. The use of the tone f so frequently might appear strange, but it may be heard not so much as the melodic high point but as leading on to d. Example 5. Benedictus Antiphon Laus honor et gloria for St Simeon (mode 7) – D-TRb 480, fol. 206v/412 Example 4. Magnificat Antiphon Ave lux et decus for St Matthias (mode 1) – D-TRb 480, fol. 185v/370 Although not frequent, the leaps of a fourth and a fifth (“Laus honor” and “sanctum” respectively) are representative of a later compositional style. The subtonal ending is most common (but the final cadence does not employ it). On the other hand, as in Example 4, scalar movement is not as persistent as in Example 3. Clearly, five examples are insufficient to establish chronological layers across the whole repertory, but at least they suggest something of the stylistic variety in the Trier cathedral repertory. That none of them is as adventurous as some 252 253 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRINK – THE SEVEN HISTORIAE FOR THE MEDIEVAL CATHEDRAL OF TRIER South German offices of the eleventh century gives the Trier repertory a rather conservative flavour. The evidence of early fragments Of course, these musical and textual characteristics can never be viewed apart from their historical background. Important evidence is provided by the survival of several older sources or fragments with adiastematic neumes. Such older sources have been found for four of the offices so far. Peter Becker identified the office for St. Eucharius in D-W Guelf. 1109 Helmst., a source dating from the late tenth century (Figure 1). Max Keuffer, in his catalogue of the manuscripts in the Trier Stadtbibliothek, described a source with chants for St Simeon, D-TRs 118 (Figure 2), though he incorrectly identifies these chants as sequences when they are in fact the full office of the saint, notated with adiastematic neumes. These two sources contain the oldest known versions of the offices for Sts Eucharius and Simeon. GB-Lbl Harley 3039 contains a chant from the office for St Maximinus. The provenance of this source is likely Lorsch, Germany, datable to the tenth century. On folio 48v the chant is identified as “Antiphona in die s. Maximini Treverensis”. In fact it is the ninth responsory of the office for Maximinus. (The verse appears only as a text incipit). (Figure 3) 1. 2. 3. During my examination of the fragments with musical notation currently housed in Trier Stadtbibliothek I came across the item in Figure 4. This fragment contains the chants for the Third Nocturn of Matins, Lauds, and the Magnificat antiphon for Second Vespers for the office of St Matthias. The chants mostly correspond with that of the office in D-TRb 480, except for the order of the Matins antiphons and responsories. The eighth responsory of the office on the fragment is the responsory at First Vespers in Trier 480, and D-TRb 480 has a psalm antiphon at Second Vespers that is not on the fragment. Characteristics of the chant texts Before proceeding to a proposed chronological order, the origins of the chant texts should also be considered. They are summarized saint by saint. Maximinus: Chant texts in prose with some alliteration. The chant texts are based on the Vita IIa Maximini.6 Written in 839 by the Benedictine monk 6. 254 BHL 5824; MGH, SS rer. Merov. 3, 74-82. 4. Figure 1 Antiphon at First Vespers Beatissimus Eucharius from the office of St Eucharius, D-W Guelf. 1109 Helmst Figure 2 Magnificat Antiphon Venerantes et dignam from the office of St Simeon, D-TRs 118 Figure 3 Responsory IX Inclitus pontifex from the office of St Maximinus, GB-Lbl Harley 3039 Figure 4 Chants for St Matthias in Trier, Stadtbibliothek, Fragment from printed book Inc. 2812 255 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRINK Eucharius: Chant texts in prose. Most of the chant texts were taken nearly verbatim from the vita for Sts Eucharius, Valerius, and Maternus.9 Simeon: Chant texts in prose with some alliteration. The chant texts are based on the vita, but not taken from it verbatim.10 Paulinus: Chant texts in prose. They are based on the Vita Paulini.11 Helena: Chant texts in prose. The texts are not based on the vita,12 being laudatory in nature. (Responsory verses are from the Psalms.) Matthias: Chant texts in prose with alliteration or rhyme. Three Vitae S. Matthiae are edited in Acta Sanctorum.13 The first, written by Authpert, abbot of Monte Cassino 834-837,14 was most likely the basis for the chant texts, which are, however, generally laudatory in character. Characteristics of the chant melodies The musical characteristics of each office may be summarized as follows: Maximinus: The chant melodies for the office of Maximinus follow no particular modal order. Goal pitches appear mainly at the end of multisyllabic words, 7. Edited by Henschen in Acta Sanctorum, AASS Mai VII. 8. Lupus, in the Vita IIa Maximini, stated that both Quiriacus and Agritius received visions that Maximinus was to be the successor of Agritius as Bishop of Trier. 9. D-W Guelf. 1109, fols. 26v-59r (written between 994 and 1009 at the cathedral of Trier). 10. D-TRs 118. Tuomas Heikkilä (2002, 148) finds the saint’s vita and miracula in around 50 sources. 11. BHL 6562; AASS Aug. VI, 668-676. 12. BHL 3772; AASS Aug. III, 580-647. This vita was commissioned by Hincmar of Rheims and composed by Altmann, a monk in Hautvilliers, between 846 and 852/3 (Linder 1975, 87). 13. Maternus: Because of a coincidence in the calendar, the chants sung on Maternus’s feast day stand side by side with items for the Exaltation of the Holy Cross and for Cornelius and Cyprian. Only the Matins antiphons and the Magnificat antiphon at Second Vespers are composed for Maternus. The Matins antiphons are in modal order (1-8, 4). They all have a range of at least an octave, three chants adding a tone below the finalis. The use of goal pitches is inconsistent. Longer tone-groups, scalar movement, and leaps larger than a fourth are almost completely absent, with the melodies all moving in conservative, step-by-step motion. Eucharius: The modal order of the chants of the office for Eucharius is not completely numerical: Matins antiphons in modes 1-2-3 7-1-2 3-4-1, responsories in modes 1-2-4 5-6-7 1-2-1, but Lauds antiphons 2-3-4-5-6-7 and Magnificat antiphon at Second Vespers mode 8.15 Six of the twentyseven chants have the range of an octave. Six span an octave but either they do not reach the octave above the finalis (in authentic modes) or they do not occupy the octave from lower fourth to upper fifth (in plagal chants). Six chants have a range less than the modal octave. Nine move beyond the octave. The use of goal pitches at the end of words is inconsistent. Longer tone groups are mostly restricted to the responsories. The subtonal ending seldom appears, and rarely in conjunction with other characteristics of a later style. The antiphons move mostly stepwise with hardly any leaps larger than a third. Leaps and scale movement are also rare in the responsories. Most of the responsories make use of the traditional verse tone. Simeon: Few chants in the Simeon office are arranged in numerical modal order (antiphons of the First Nocturn modes 1-3; second antiphon to Benedictus antiphon of Lauds modes 3-7). Only a handful of the thirty-six chants of this office use the full octave range. Eight melodies cover an octave, but not the standard range for their respective modes; five chants go beyond an octave. The use of goal pitches is inconsistent. Leaps of a fourth and a fifth are few, but the subtonal ending is often used. Longer scale segments are rare. However, none of the responsories use the traditional verse tones. AASS Feb III, 24, 438-441. 14. BHL 5695. 256 THE SEVEN HISTORIAE FOR THE MEDIEVAL CATHEDRAL OF TRIER but rather infrequently. The range of some of the antiphons is narrow; most of the responsories keep to the ‘standard’ range for each mode. The number of extended groups of tone-groups and scalar movement on one syllable is extremely limited. In some chants the subtonal ending does not appear at all. Leaps larger than a fourth hardly ever occur. Lupus of Ferrières, the work mentions events that do not feature in Vita Ia Maximini 7, but which are mentioned in the chant texts (although these do not quote the vita literally).8 Maternus: Chant texts in prose. The final chapter VI of the vita for Sts Eucharius, Valerius, and Maternus (see below) is devoted exclusively to Maternus, though this does not contain any biographical detail. One learns more about Maternus and his journey to Trier with the other bishops in the part of the vita dedicated to Eucharius. The chant texts are laudatory in character. – 15. Possibly derived from a series following the monastic cursus. 257 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRINK Paulinus: The chants for Matins and Lauds of the Paulinus office follow the numerical modal order, except for the Benedictus antiphon in mode 4 (instead of 7). Twelve of the thirty-six chants have ranges larger than an octave. The use of goal pitches at the end of multisyllabic words is not consistent. The subtonal ending is rather rare; it is sometimes used for word endings as well as phrase endings. Longer tone groups are infrequent in both antiphons and responsories. Scale segments, even some over the interval of a sixth, do occur. None of the responsories make use of the traditional verse tones. of later chants appear only rarely. Closest to them in compositional style are the office chants for Maternus. Otherwise there are no clear indications of a possible date for the Maternus office; perhaps it could be placed in the tenth century. The next office to be completed may well have been that for Eucharius, in the late tenth century. It was probably written by Remigius, Abbot of Mettlach 977-993, and commissioned by Archbishop Egbert. Compared with the previous two offices, it is possible to perceive here a subtle change in the composition of the melodies. They are not as conservative as those for Maximinus, though their style is still far from adventurous. The office of St Simeon was most likely composed shortly after the saint’s death on 1 June 1035. Archbishop Poppo commissioned a vita to be written shortly thereafter, in preparation for an application to the papacy (probably Pope Benedict IX) to canonize the hermit. It is highly probable that the proper office for the saint was composed about this time. No information concerning the commission or composition of either the Helena or the Paulinus office is known, but on stylistic grounds they may both be dated to the eleventh century. Although the texts of both offices are in prose, the melodies display modern characteristics more frequently than previous cycles. The use of goal pitches and the subtonal ending appear regularly in most of the chants. Frequent scalar segments allow the melody to move easily through a wide ambitus. Stylistically, the office of St Matthias should be placed among the later offices of our group. It may well have been composed for the inauguration of the altar and the renaming in his honour of the church previously dedicated to Eucharius, which took place on 13 January 1148. It is even possible that the office was written a few years earlier, after the saint’s bones had been miraculously rediscovered on 1 September 1127. Helena: The office of St Helena follows the serial modal order. There are only three antiphons in Matins (one per nocturn), in modes 2, 4, and 7 (perhaps the remnants of an original full set of nine). Nine of the thirty-one chants use the entire, exact octave that one associates with the respective modes. Thirteen chants have melodies covering a tonal space wider than an octave. The use of goal pitches to end multisyllabic words is inconsistent. Words end on the finalis or co-final in a relatively high number of chants. Traditional verse tones are absent. Scale segments larger than a fourth on one syllable are present in all the responsories, as well as most of the antiphons. Leaps larger than a fourth rarely appear. Matthias: Most of the chants for the Matthias office are in numerical modal order. The Matins antiphons follow the modal order up to the eighth antiphon, which is unexpectedly in mode 5, not mode 8, but then the ninth antiphon is in mode 1, as if the modal order had been followed. The Lauds antiphons continue the sequence started by the ninth Matins antiphon, as far as mode 6 (fifth Lauds antiphon), after which the Benedictus antiphon is in mode 4. A large number of the chants have a range wider than an octave. Some use both the authentic (high tetrachord) and plagal (low tetrachord) portions of the mode. A high percentage of the chants end multisyllabic words on goal pitches. The use of longer tone groups in the melodies of the antiphons is rare; they are more common in the responsories. The same can be said for scale movement. The antiphons move stepwise or with leaps of a third. Larger leaps do occur, in both antiphons and responsories (more so in the latter), but rarely exceed a fourth or fifth. The use of the subtonal ending is very limited. A possible chronological order On the basis of the features outlined above, the following chronological order may be proposed for the composition of the seven local Trier offices in manuscript 480. The office for Maximinus could already have been composed early in the ninth century, shortly after the completion of the saint’s vita, which Lupus completed in the year 839. The chants are conservative in style, and features characteristic 258 – THE SEVEN HISTORIAE FOR THE MEDIEVAL CATHEDRAL OF TRIER This suggests the following timeline: The effectiveness of the chosen methodology to calculate a possible date of composition is rather difficult to assess. The analysis can at least reveal tendencies, which may support other historical information in suggesting the period when a historia was created. As more of the vast number of new chant 259 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES compositions for local saints are analyzed and compared, our descriptions of the characteristics of a particular local tradition and their place in a broader European context will become more adequate. Robert Klugseder Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna Saints’ offices in Austria In this essay about the ‘Historiae Austriae’, I will restrict myself to the middle and eastern regions of today’s Austria. This selection corresponds by and large to the area covered by the medieval dioceses of Passau and Salzburg. Passau stretched from the River Isar in Lower Bavaria in the west to the current Lower Austria-Burgenland border in the east. It included today’s federal states of Upper Austria, Lower Austria, and Vienna. To the south, the archdiocese of Salzburg stretched approximately from the Zillertal in Tyrol in the west to the border of Hungary in the east. The rest of Tyrol belonged to the dioceses of Freising and Brixen (Bressanone). Historiae from some parts of this territory are discussed elsewhere in this volume. Gionata Brusa and Giulia Gabrielli present a study of the historiae for the Brixen saints Cassian, Ingenuinus, and Albuin. These historiae have survived mainly in South Tyrol.1 Southern Carinthia formed part of the archdiocese of Aquileia. Even though St Hermagoras and St Cancianus were venerated particularly strongly, no historia for them survives here. Jurij Snoj provides an overview of the historiae of Aquileia.2 Today’s Vorarlberg belonged to the diocese of Chur, the Burgenland to Győr (Raab). The transmission of office sources in the dioceses of Passau and Salzburg leaves much to be desired. With the exception of fragments, the transmission in Passau begins around the mid-twelfth century with sources from the Augustinian monasteries St Nikola and Klosterneuburg. The antiphoners of Klosterneuburg are well known.3 A Liber ordinarius has survived from St Nikola in Passau, produced around 1150 to 1160. Cod. 1482 of the Austrian National Library in Vienna, also known as the ‘Liber ordinarius of Mengotus’ and the earliest known source of the Easter song Christ ist erstanden, can definitely be ascribed to St Nikola.4 The transmission of sources reflecting the diocesan tradition in Passau begins in the early thirteenth century; mostly Librii ordinarii and breviaries have 1. See pp. 342-346 and 354-369 below. 2. See pp. 297-314 below. 3. A-KN 1012 and 1013. Klugseder 2008. 4. A digital edition has been completed as part of the Cantus Network project <http://cantusnetwork.at/>. The ordinal is also available in print as an appendix in Klugseder 2020. See also Klugseder 2013 and 2019. 260 261 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES KLUGSEDER survived.5 The so-called ‘Kirnberg antiphoners’,6 produced shortly after 1500, and the antiphoner printed by Winterburger in 15197 are the only complete office sources with musical notation from the diocese. The transmission in Salzburg begins in the 1190s, when the Salzburg Liber ordinarius8 was written down. Apart from the manuscripts of the canons (e.g. Vorau and Seckau), no complete antiphoners containing the diocesan liturgy exist today.9 From very early on, both diocesan traditions show a clear dependence on the liturgical traditions of the area around Lake Constance; in southeast Germany this dependence began during the time of Bishop Altmann of Passau, who initiated the spread of the Augustinian canons in the eleventh century, that is, before the period of the Hirsau monastic reform. The earliest sources contain the proper offices for Pope Gregory, Afra, Maurice, and Gallus in the same form as in Hirsau-Rheinau books. Accordingly, both of these related diocesan traditions go back to the tradition of the Augustinian canons. In the following I will deal primarily with the transmission of historiae in the diocese of Passau. But before this, a few remarks about local Salzburg saints are appropriate. more recent prose office Hodie posito corpore, an adaptation of the historia of St Bernard, was probably compiled in the fourteenth century. Holzer assumes it was produced in a monastery of the Augustinian canons in Salzburg. She does not investigate the origins of the rhymed office Praesul Rudberte, presumably because no music has survived. The texts have been preserved in breviaries from St Peter’s, St Emmeram in Regensburg, and Passau Cathedral. A CD recording of the historia Eia laude condigna was published by the Schola Hungarica.12 A late medieval historia with musical notation for the Salzburg bishop Virgil survives only in A-Wn 547. I have already given a detailed description of this historia as part of my work cataloguing the medieval music manuscripts of the Austrian National Library.13 This manuscript, which comes from the Augustinian monastery of St Florian, later found its way into the Vienna court library. The above-mentioned publication by Irene Holzer includes a transcription of the office into modern notation by Jörg Stenzl.14 Franz Karl Praßl has worked on the office for St Hemma of Gurk. However, no music has survived for the historia of this Carinthian noblewoman, who founded several churches and monasteries and is now Carinthia’s patron saint. Gurk had been a proprietary diocese (German: Eigenbistum) of the archdiocese of Salzburg since 1072.15 A historia for the Translatio Lamberti has been preserved which probably originated in the Styrian Benedictine monastery of St Lambrecht. This is the office O Lamberte pater nos nostraque in the antiphoner A-Gu 30 (ca. 1400); the source has already been inventoried for the Cantus project. On the other hand, the origins of the proper office Vir dei sanctus Blasius totum (R 1.1), transmitted in sources from Benedictine Admont, where Blasius was patron saint, cannot be ascertained exactly, since the same chants are also preserved in books from other institutions (Regensburg, Passau, and St Lambrecht, among others). The Salzburg Historiae for Rupert and Virgil In her M.A. thesis the musicologist Irene Holzer examined two historiae that were compiled for the Salzburg bishop Rupert.10 Besides providing a detailed scholarly analysis, she also transcribed all chants into modern notation. The older prose office Eia laude condigna was presumably compiled in the eleventh century in St Peter’s Abbey in Salzburg. The oldest source, a breviary produced around 1100, is kept today in the library of Michaelbeuern Abbey.11 The office is also included in the famous antiphoner of St Peter’s, A-Wn s.n. 2700. The 5. A-SPL 83-3: Liber ordinarius, ca. 1230. Neumed breviaries (partes hiemalis): A-Wn 1768 (third quarter of the thirteenth century; description: <www.cantusplanus.at/OENB01768> and A-VOR 90 (ca. 1290). The neumed antiphonary D-Mbs 16141 (from shortly after 1300) is incomplete. In a few places it was also adapted to the liturgy of the Augustinian monastery of St Nikola, Passau. 6. A-Wda C10, C11, and D4. See Klugseder 2016. 7. Digital images: <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00080050/image_1>. 8. A-Su M II 6, see Praßl 1998. A digital edition has been completed as part of the Cantus Network project <http:// cantusnetwork.at/>. An even older Salzburg source for the chants of the Mass has recently been identified: I-Vnm lat. III, 124 (2235) is a sacramentary and gradual of the second quarter of the eleventh century from the Nonnberg. 9. The neumed breviary A-VOR 356 (end of the twelfth century) contains a Vorau-Salzburg mixed tradition of the pars hiemalis. The complete antiphonary A-VOR 287 (Gothic notation, beginning of the fourteenth century) also contains a Vorau-Salzburg mixed tradition. See Prassl 2008. Digital images: <http://www.cantusplanus.at/de-at/ austriaca/vorau/digitalisate.html>. 10. Holzer 2012. See also Praßl 1996 and Predota 1967. 11. A-MB Man.perg. 6. The incomplete breviary, which features simple neume notation, probably comes from Salzburg; if so, it would be the archdiocese’s earliest office source. It has not been possible to ascertain where it was used, however. It is striking that no traces of the traditions from the Lake Constance region can be detected. Digital images: <http://www.cantusplanus.at/RISM_A-MB_ManPerg6>. 262 – SAINTS’ OFFICES IN AUSTRIA Historiae from the Passau tradition In the fifteenth century the Habsburg emperors (then increasing in power) campaigned for the canonization of the Babenberg Margrave Leopold III. Leopold died in 1136 and was buried in Klosterneuburg monastery, which he had founded. He was canonized in 1485. The older of the three surviving historiae in his honour, the text and music of which were probably produced in Klosterneuburg, was already available for use at Leopold’s canonization. A short 12. Gregorian chants from Austria – From Christmas to Epiphany. Office of St Rupert, Schola Hungarica, directed by László Dobszay and Janka Szendrei, Hungaroton 1988. 13. For a description see www.cantusplanus.at/OENB00547. 14. Stefan Engels (Salzburg, Graz) is currently working on a revised edition. 15. Praßl 1988. 263 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES KLUGSEDER – SAINTS’ OFFICES IN AUSTRIA time later two further historiae were written in the milieu of Melk Abbey, one of them for use in the diocese of Passau. Rudolf Rainer and Franz Zagiba dealt with the three offices quite extensively in the 1950s, publishing not only the texts but also facsimiles of the original manuscripts.16 David Merlin’s M.A. thesis included a transcription into modern notation.17 Leopold’s veneration was soon included in the liturgical books of the diocese of Passau and the diocese of the city of Vienna, which had been founded only a few years previously. However, we cannot assume that the historiae were sung across all dioceses in the Austrian Habsburg territory. A historia for St Coloman was probably also produced in Melk. According to legend, Coloman was the son of an Irish king. Because of his foreign appearance, he was thought to be a Bohemian spy. After being tortured, he was hanged on a withered elder bush between two murderers. Coloman is supposed to have died on 17 July 1012. According to legend, his body showed no signs of decay even after significant time had passed. Furthermore, a large number of miracles soon occurred. His mortal remains were brought to St Peter’s Church in the Babenberg residence in Melk on 13 October 1014. Coloman’s burial in this place was the reason for establishing a Benedictine monastery there over seventy years later.18 The rhymed office for Coloman, Fons et origo bonitatis, probably originated in the twelfth century. The earliest fragmentary sources with notation in neumes date to the second half of that century. David Merlin has published a modern transcription of this historia.19 The Babenberg and Habsburg families repeatedly attempted to establish an Austrian diocese in their territory, seeking to make themselves independent of Passau. However, given the fierce resistance of the bishops of Passau, it was to take several centuries before Rome agreed to an exemption. The diocese of the city of Vienna became the first Austrian diocese in 1469. The dioceses of Linz and St Pölten were created only in 1785. In this context it should be noted that Frederick II, who was Duke of Austria from 1230 to 1246, wanted to transfer Coloman’s body to Vienna as the basis for founding a diocese there. To this end, he had a subterranean crypt built in Vienna next to St Stephen’s Cathedral. Here the saint could have been buried and possibly venerated as the patron of the diocese. This crypt still exists today and can be viewed from Stephansplatz underground station. It is now known as the “Virgil Chapel”, because an altar for the veneration of the Salzburg saint was erected there at a later date. Archduke Rudolf IV (1339-1365), who founded the metropolitan chapter of Vienna, attempted to enhance his foundation at St Stephen’s with the translation of relics. He instructed Abbot Ulrich I Toczenbeck (1360-1370) of Göttweig to locate the lost grave of blessed Bishop Altmann in his monastery. The abbot was successful and had the bishop’s remains interred beneath the altar of the Holy Cross in the monastery church. Subsequently relics of the Passau bishop were brought to Vienna, where the foundation stone for the new Gothic Cathedral of St Stephen’s had been laid shortly beforehand, on 7 April 1359.20 Following this review of the literature, I will now turn to my own research on further offices for local saints and other items created in Passau itself. Christian von Lilienfeld Christianus Campoliliensis, who was prior of the Cistercian monastery Lilienfeld from 1326 to 1328 (d. after 1329), is Austria’s most famous medieval Latin poet. Guido Maria Dreves devoted vol. 41 of Analecta Hymnica to his verse.21 His main works (apart from some secular and non-liturgical works) include fifteen historiae, fourteen hymns and fourteen sequences. Besides the four main manuscript sources written by Lilienfeld itself, his works have been preserved in several further manuscripts, most of them from Bavaria and Austria. Some of his works appear to have been commissioned by other monasteries, such as a Coloman office for Melk and one for Bishop Altmann for Göttweig Abbey. Christian wrote many sequences, the use of which was forbidden among the Cistercians. This, too, suggests they were commissioned outside Lilienfeld. In addition, there are two sequences and four hymns for the two saints of the Passau diocese, Coloman and Altmann.22 Up until now, none of the music for Christian’s historiae was known to have survived. This may partly be because large numbers of medieval manuscripts from Lilienfeld (including all liturgica containing musical notation) have been lost. The sequences contain references to the melodies of well-known chants, and most of the hymn texts can also be assigned to familiar tunes. I was able to verify that the sequence Laetabundus fidelis in caelis coetus for Coloman is in fact included in the Passau gradual printed by Winterburger in 1511. In my research on the history of medieval music in Mondsee Abbey23 I also came across fragments containing the Dorothea office Ave o veris primula by Christian von Lilienfeld with Gothic Cistercian notation. It was probably written down in the third quarter of the fourteenth century. There are also a sequence and an alleluia for the saint. The historia follows the secular cursus. The chants cover the hours 16. Rudolf 1957, Zagiba 1954. 20. Lenzenweger 1965, 130. 17. Merlin 2008 and 2012. 21. Dreves 1903 and 1909, 407-414. 18. Niederkorn-Bruck 2014. 22. Zechmeister 1992. 19. Merlin 2014a and 2014b. 23. Klugseder 2012. 264 265 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES KLUGSEDER from First to Second Vespers on St Dorothea’s feast day. Since a bifolium has been lost and the upper halves of some folios have been damaged, not all parts have been transmitted with music. However, it can be seen quite clearly that the chants were organized according to the numerical order of the modes. Most of the melodies appear to be contrafacta. Parallels for many chants can be found in the antiphoner A-Wn 1799**, a typical Cistercian choirbook from Rein Abbey. These include some older melodies from the Temporale and ‘modern’ compositions from the office of St Ursula (Undecim milium Virginum). the place where they had originally been buried. On this occasion the envoy Albert presumably also brought relics of the Cracow bishop Stanislaus back to St Florian. With the translation of Florian’s relics and the very probable translation of the mortal remains of Stanislaus, not only was the centuries-old cult of Florian given a tremendous boost; the liturgical veneration of the Polish national saint also began in St Florian. The chants for the proper office for the liturgy of the hours on the main feast and the octave of St Florian on the 4th and 11th of May, respectively, were produced at different times. The oldest surviving versions from the twelfth and thirteenth century are to be found in the old layer of the breviary A-SF XI 384 in adiastematic notation, and were probably written down at the beginning of the thirteenth century. The readings were taken from the Passio Floriani.24 The chants describe the events of the Passio in their own words, forming a second narrative thread. The office was expanded and restructured at the end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the fourteenth century. There was a fresh boom in Florian’s cult at the time the new church was built and dedicated in 1291. The veneration of Florian probably reached its height following the translation of the saint’s relics from Cracow to St Florian in 1323. My extensive study of the history of liturgy and music in St Florian in the Middle Ages includes a transcription of the surviving chants for Florian in a modern edition with staff notation.25 The canons proved themselves to be talented poets, and not only when writing saints’ vitae and historiae. Thus Franz Praßl, who wrote his doctoral thesis on the Augustinian canons’ repertory of sequences,26 was able to show that of the nearly one hundred sequences used in St Florian, twenty-one were written by the monastery’s own canons. With a few exceptions, they were used only there. In the diocese of Passau, Florian’s feast day was celebrated as a plenum festum with chants taken from the Common of Martyrs. But I have been able to find two notated chants from the proper office in a processional with staff notation from the Augustinian monastery of St Nikola in Passau, chants transmitted only in adiastematic notation in sources from St Florian itself.27 Moreover, the five antiphons for Lauds and the chants for Prime and Sext of the historia have already been inventoried in Cantus. They are included in GB-Ob Can. Lit. 202, a thirteenth-century antiphoner with neume notation. While southern German influences are evident in this office manuscript, it has not yet been possible to place it more exactly. Nevertheless, it seems very probable that it was originally used in a church in the diocese of Regensburg. The historiae for St Florian of Lauriacum If the Passio Floriani written around 800 is to be believed, the professed Christian Florianus was killed in 304. He was an official under governor Aquilinus of Noricum Ripense, who sentenced him to death for his belief. Florianus was thrown off the bridge over the river Enns near Lauriacum with a stone tied around his neck and drowned. His body is supposed to have been buried on the site of today’s monastery of St Florian. St Severin was also active in Lauriacum in the fifth century. At this time Lauriacum – today’s Lorch – was the seat of a bishop and can thus be regarded as a predecessor of the diocese of Passau. From Passau, the cult of St Florian spread across the entire South German region and beyond. The monastery of the canons regular in St Florian is built upon the site of one of the earliest Christian cults in Austria. Excavations in the monastery church have revealed proof both of continuous building activity and of the cultic veneration of Florian since Roman times. This evidence shows that a community of secular priests lived at the place where Florian was originally buried from the ninth century onwards. It is very likely that they followed the Aachen Rule. The introduction of the rule of St Augustine by Bishop Altmann of Passau (around 1071) and the replacement of the secular priests by canons living in a monastic community set in motion the intellectual, spiritual, and economic rise of St Florian; the abbey continues to flourish to the present day. Presumably the canons were already aware at this time that Florian’s relics were no longer in their original burial place. Since the introduction of the Augustinian rule after 1071 Florian has been relegated to the position of the church’s second patron saint, and Mary, Mother of God, is now revered as its main patron. Florian’s mortal remains were probably taken to Italy by Roman Christians during the general withdrawal from Noricum. Perhaps it was these same remains that were translated from the Roman church of St Laurence to Cracow in 1184. In 1323 the provost of St Florian, Wernher von Winkel, sent the priory secretary Albert von Gmunden to Cracow to bring relics back to St Florian. Albert was successful, and after being absent for centuries, at least some of Florian’s mortal remains (or the remains of a martyr of the same name) returned to 266 – SAINTS’ OFFICES IN AUSTRIA 24. Pez 1721, 38-62. 25. Klugseder 2012-2013. 26. Praßl 1987. 27. A-Ll 209 (1593, Gothic notation). 267 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES KLUGSEDER In 1649 David Furmann (1667-1689), who later became provost of St Florian, created a new, mostly rhymed office for the monastery’s patron saint. The autograph with the texts has been preserved in a small booklet (A-SF XI 441). The office is reproduced in Analecta Hymnica, Vol. 26, No. 11b. Only the five prose antiphons for First Vespers and the borrowed Barbara antiphon Adest dies gratialis are missing here. It is impossible to know whether melodies were composed or adapted for the entire office. In codex A-SF XI 486 and the handwritten additions to the printed eighteenth-century antiphoner of the monastery only a few of the antiphons are given with melodies. Furmann’s office was included in a breviary printed in 1886 containing Florian’s proper office; it was used in the monastery up into the 1960s. Another striking feature of the St. Florian tradition is a rhymed office for Corpus Christi, Gaude felix ecclesia (AH 5, 2), probably written there. A fourteenthcentury addition to the above-mentioned neumed breviary A-SF XI 384 includes this office with adiastematic neume notation. The monastery’s few liturgical manuscripts contain not only commonly used chants in honour of Maurice, the monastery’s patron saint, but also several prose chants proper to Niederaltaich itself. More recent sources from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries also include parts of the rhymed office Martyrum sollemnia (AH 28, 22) for infra octavam and in octava Mauritii. These chants have not yet been subjected to scholarly analysis or transcribed into modern notation. The prose office Vir beatus Godehardus for the monastery’s second patron saint Godehard (960-1038), abbot of Niederaltaich and Tegernsee and bishop of Hildesheim, is available on the website www.cantusnetwork.at, in both modern notation and an audio recording by the Graz Choralschola. Godehard was the first Bavarian to be canonized in 1131. This historia was probably written in Niederaltaich in the twelfth century; the music for its chants is sophisticated. The earliest notated source is the neumed antiphoner D-Mbs clm 1614129 from the diocese of Passau, which was probably written shortly after 1300. Bishop Bernhard of Passau made the veneration of Godehard and the use of an abbreviated version of the historia compulsory for the entire diocese at the diocesan synod of 1302.30 The special office for Abbot Godehard of Niederaltaich Niederaltaich Abbey, whose patron saints are Maurice and (later) Godehard, was founded around 741 by Odilo, Duke of Bavaria. Twelve monks and the first abbot Eberswind came from the monastery of St Pirmin on the Reichenau. The monks cultivated large stretches of Lower Bavaria up to the borders of today’s Czech Republic, founding around 120 settlements in the Bavarian Forest. Niederaltaich was heavily involved in colonization and missionary work in the Eastern March southwards along the Danube and even into today’s Hungary. It had been conceived as a missionary monastery from the very start, and its influence advanced far into the Slavic territories. The monastery was affected by fires in 1659, 1671, and 1685, which destroyed not only its buildings but also its extensive library and manuscript collection. This destruction is presumably the reason why so few medieval manuscripts from this once important abbey have survived to the present day. I was able to identify a fragment of an antiphoner dating from between 850 and 875, bound into the Niederaltaich manuscript A-Wn 612, as the oldest neumed source of chants from the office of St Dionysius of Paris and his companions. Until now, an antiphoner from St Martial de Limoges (F-Pn lat. 1085), produced around 960, was believed to be the oldest source with musical notation. The historia is based upon the Passio sancti Dionysii episcopi Parisiensis by Hilduin of St-Denis, which was written at the behest of Emperor Louis the Pious around 840.28 28. Klugseder, Quellen (forthcoming). The office sung in Saint-Denis itself has been published by Jean-François Goudesenne 2002b. 268 – SAINTS’ OFFICES IN AUSTRIA Inventory of historiae in use in Passau Cathedral Not much was known about the liturgy in use in Passau Cathedral during the Middle Ages. Mainly because of a lack of definitive sources, Hubertus Karnowka31 was almost the only researcher to investigate the subject. Over the past years I have inventoried the diocesan Libri ordinarii and have thus been able to study the liturgy more closely.32 The diocesan order of service on which the cathedral’s rite was based was in use from around 1230 to 1608. It emerges that the Passau breviary was significantly expanded in the fifteenth and early sixteenth century, when a large number of historiae were added. New feast days were introduced and the rank of existing feasts elevated, for the most part because of the endowment of new historiae and benefices for new altars in the cathedral itself or in places associated with it.33 Fortunately, a record of the historiae endowments has survived in the cathedral liturgy. For many of these occasions we are able to identify when a new office was initiated, and by whom. Most of these innovations also made their way into the breviaries of the diocese. The new historiae are given as alternatives to feasts that were already previously included in the Liber ordinarius. Only very few parishes were able to meet 29. Digital images: <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00006474/image_1>. 30. Klugseder 2009. 31. Karnowka 1983. 32. Cantus Network, Klugseder 2013, 2019 and 2020. 33. D-Mbs clm 1848 (1569). 269 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES KLUGSEDER these high musical demands. In those who lacked the necessary musical means, either the historiae texts were read aloud or the older formularies continued to be used. In cases where an endowment meant that only a feast’s rank was elevated, an additional First Vespers or the Second and Third Nocturn were supplied by common Proprium or Commune chants. I was thus able to identify almost sixty historiae and forty additional elevations in rank. Previously, no sources containing music from the cathedral were known, but I have now been able to ascribe the three manuscript antiphoners from Kirnberg to the cathedral.34 The codices were not produced for use in the cathedral, but their only possible exemplars must have come from there. Most of the Passau proper offices are included with musical notation in the Kirnberg choirbooks. Besides many historiae that were widespread generally or were at least common in southern Germany, the choirbooks include some offices that can be assumed to have been written in the milieu of Passau Cathedral. Naturally, the abovementioned offices for Leopold, Coloman and Rupert were customary here. Rhymed offices for the two patrons of the diocese, Valentinus and Maximilian, have survived, though unfortunately without melodies.35 There is also a proper office for St Pantaleon, patron saint of the Passau monasteries Niedernburg and St Nikola, Apparuit Christus Pantaleoni. Regrettably, only two of these chants survive with music in the above-mentioned processional from St Nikola and the Kirnberg antiphoner. Likewise, only a few chants from a proper office have survived for Agapitus, the patron saint of Kremsmünster.36 No melodies have survived for the chants of the two historiae for St Berthold of Garsten (d. 1142), an abbot who paved the way for the Hirsau reform in Austria.37 Many possessions of the church of Bamberg were located within the medieval diocese of Passau. Thus the historia for St Otto of Bamberg can be found in manuscripts from the collegiate monastery of Spital am Pyhrn.38 There are historiae for Thomas the Apostle,39 Ambrosius,40 Erasmus,41 Achatius,42 and Eustachius43 that can only be found in sources from Passau. The rhymed office Consona vox menti for St Barbara (AH 25-43) appears only in sources from the cathedral and in the antiphoner Cod. 287 from Vorau.44 The old West Frankish prose office Iussit Valerianus in conspectu for St Hippolytus, the patron saint of the Augustinian monastery of St Pölten in Lower Austria, has survived in the abbey’s manuscripts. The office includes not only commonly used chants and chants customary only in Compiègne and St Denis, but also texts found only in the diocese of Passau. The earliest source is a fragmentary Liber ordinarius from St Hippolyt, probably produced around 1200.45 The complete historia was also commonly used at Passau Cathedral and is thus included in the first printed breviaries of 1481 and 1490.46 Last but not least, I would like to draw attention to the antiphoner manuscripts Cod. 253, Cod. 259, and the above-mentioned Cod. 287 from, and still preserved in, the Augustinian monastery Vorau as interesting sources of historiae. Cod. 253 includes seventeen proper offices for use in this monastery. Cod. 287 contains a later appendix with thirteen additional proper offices. A complete inventory of Cod. 287 is available on Cantus.47 Cod. 259, a four-volume ‘giant’ antiphoner, contains twenty-eight proper offices. It was made for the royal collegiate chapel of St Peter and St Paul on the Vyšehrad in Prague, then adapted later for use in Vorau. Attention may be drawn to the historia Festa pii imperatoris Henrici (LMLO HE92) for Emperor Henry II, Laudabile nomen domini (AH 26, 77) for the Translation of his spouse Kunigunda, and the Vorau historia Post gloriam salutiferae (cid203884) for the monastery patron saint and apostle Thomas, a historia to be sung on the day of his Translation, 3 July. Finally, one should note the office Elucidantibus divinae gratiae mysteria (R1) for the feast of the Conceptio Mariae, introduced in the archdiocese of Salzburg (and therefore in Vorau) in 1441.48 As far as I am aware, this rare office, compiled at the Council of Basel, is transmitted with notation only in Vorau. 34. – SAINTS’ OFFICES IN AUSTRIA Klugseder 2016. 35. Valentin: Spem tuam sentiamus aggregati te laudamus in a breviary of the Passau collegiate monastery Mattsee (A-MS 18, not in AH). Maximilian: Congregemur laetabundi (AH 5, no. 73). 36. Neumed breviary A-Ll 290 from Kremsmünster (end of the twelfth century). The scholar Bernhardus Noricus (d. 1326), monk of Kremsmünster, wrote a rhymed office for Agapitus, which unfortunately has not survived. 37. Texts AH 5, no. 51 and AH 30, no. 77, Hymns AH 4, nos. 204-206. Berthold was probably descended from the line of the Regensburg cathedral stewards and the counts of Bogen. 43. Caesar dum Traianus (AH 26, no. 2). 44. Franz Karl Praßl is preparing an edition of these chants for the Historiae series. 38. Liber ordinarius A-SPL 51-53, 1423. 45. Thirty fragmentary folios in the monastery library of St Florian, which I have been able to assign securely to St. Pölten (Klugseder 2012-2013). 39. O Thoma dux erantium (AH 28, no. 81). 46. Benedikt Mayr Passau 1481 and Erhardt Ratdolt Augsburg 1490. Vernante veris tempore (AH 25, no. 15). 47. <http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/source/123643>. 40. 41. Laudibus magnificis (AH 25, no. 96). 42. 270 Laetetur ecclesia quod per dena milia (AH 5, no. 28). 48. “Incipit historia de conceptione beatae virginis in concilio Basiliensis compilata quam dominus Ioannes Reichsperger archiepiscopus [Salisburgensis] pro suam diocesem perpetuis temporibus singulis annis cantare instituit Anno domini 1441” (A-VOR 259-1 fol. 228r). 271 Zsuzsa Czagány Research Centre for the Humanities, Institute for Musicology, Budapest Historiae in the Central European area: repertorial layers and transmission in Bohemia and Hungary* The character of the repertory of historiae in East-Central Europe was significantly affected by the relatively late integration of the region into the community of Western Christianity. The countries of the region adopted the Latin rite and became proponents of the Frankish-Roman liturgical heritage only at the turn of the millenium, or shortly before in the case of Prague (Table 1). Table 1. The leading archbishoprics and bishoprics in Bohemia, Poland and Hungary with the year of their foundations Prague 973 Gniezno 1000 Kraków 1000 Wrocław 1000 Kolobrzeg 1000 Esztergom 1001 Kalocsa 1002 This late association, under essentially similar historical, political, and ecclesiastical circumstances in the different countries, determined the formation of the liturgical customs and the elaboration of the liturgical framework. We can assume an attitude to the composition of the liturgy similar to what may be observed in the shaping of the ecclesiastical organisations. This deliberately conceived approach certainly influenced the compilation of the liturgical repertories and eventually the formation of the local and regional uses. The diverse early Western traditions had been formed with great freedom, and the richness of their repertories is still evident in the more systematically compiled late sources. The Bohemian, Hungarian, and Polish dioceses, on the other hand, were founded on a firm, pre-existing basis. Their individual character * Research for this paper was supported by the Hungarian National Research, Development and Innovation Office (project number K 120643). 273 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY is exhibited in special permutations of the acquired models, a lessening of the overall variety, and careful selection from the repertory. For this reason, in the study of the chant repertory of this region (including its office chants) we have to employ perspectives, methods, and approaches different from those used in researching the archaic genres and layers of plainchant in other areas. Instead of the slow and spontaneous evolution of the older layers, with interrelationships developed over long centuries and a plethora of textual, musical, and structural variants, we have to pay more attention to the different ways of reception, adoption, or rejection, a process that is consciously different from the older spontaneous techniques of adaptation, employment, or transformation. In the following article I use this approach in reviewing the saints’ offices of late medieval Bohemia and Hungary in a wider Central European context, which includes the South German and Polish dioceses as well. In answering the question as to how the offices of these countries contribute to the whole repertory of medieval historiae, scholars generally refer to the proper offices of the individual centres, the chant cycles compiled specially for local or national patrons. This quantitative growth, however, is rather superficial and not always the most interesting part of the subject discussed in detail in the following. In order to find appropriate guidelines for the examination of the rich and multilayered historiae repertory of the two traditions (Bohemian and Hungarian), I first separated the basic offices (‘mainstream’) from the secondary ones. Those historiae were assigned to the mainstream category that can be found in the majority of the sources available for the individual traditions,1 whose presence is decisive from the point of view of the rite (see Tables 2a and 2b). All other offices, those that seem to fall outside the mainstream and whose appearance among the sources of the main traditions seems accidental or unpredictable, were assigned to the subsidiary category (see Tables 3a and 3b). Investigating these groups more carefully, we can differentiate them further. Looking first at the historiae of the basic group, we see that on the one hand they are cycles widely disseminated in Europe or at least in Central Europe, becoming part of the Bohemian and Hungarian traditions respectively. On the other hand, several of the offices are characteristic of one of these two traditions exclusively, and never or only exceptionally occur in the other. Self-evidently, this subgroup includes the historiae of the local patrons. The material of the ‘basic’ group is therefore extremely heterogeneous and, contrary to the unifying label ‘traditional’, combines offices very different in age and style. Table 2a. Historiae: the Hungarian mainstream 2 3 4 5 The sources used in this overview are listed at the end of the essay. 274 REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Feast Office Central / Esztergom North / Slovakia East / Transylvania, Waradinum South / Kalocsa, Zagreb AH LMLO Conceptionis BMV Ave decus virgineum + + + + 5/12 YC51 Thomae Cant. Pastor caesus + + + + 13/92 TH21 Dorotheae V Ave gemma virtuosa + + + + 5/56 DO81 Helenae reg. Annua beatae Helenae + + + + – – Gregorii C Gloriosa sanctissimi + + + + 5/64 GR31 Benedicti C Fuit vir + + + + – – Adalberti M O immarcessibilis + rosa2 + + + – – Ladislai C Fons aeterne pietatis + + + + 26/78 LA01 Visitationis BMV Exsurgens autem Maria + + + + 48/39 YV55 Margarethae V O Margaretha caelorum + + + + 28/3 MD33 Andreae et Benedicti MM Sanctissimi viri Andreas et Benedictus3 + + + + – – Mariae Magd. Dum redemptoris + + + + – – Annae Caeleste beneficium + + + + 25/18 AN28 Inventionis Stephani Ostendit sanctus Gamaliel + + + + – Stephani regis Ave beate rex Stephane4 + + + – 28/72 ST31 Augustini C Laetare mater nostra5 + + + + – + – + + 28/93 UR83 Undec. mil. virg. Laetis canamus vocibus – – 2. The historiae written in honour of St Adalbertus, venerated as patron saint in Bohemia, Poland and Hungary have been discussed among others by Czagány 2008. 3. 1. – Cf. Szendrei 1999. 4. Ed. Dobszay, Historiae 18. 5. Detailed textual and musical analysis by Szendrei 1995. 275 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY Demetrii M Perennis patriae regis6 + + + + – – Emerici C Laetare Pannonia + + – + 5/57 EM51 Transl. Adalberti Ad festa pretiosi + – – – 5/31 AD21 Elisabeth vid. Laetare Germania7 + + + + 25/90 EL61 Caeciliae V Virgo gloriosa semper + + + + – Catharinae V Ave gemma claritatis + + + + 26/69 CB24 67 – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Table 2b. Historiae: the Bohemian mainstream 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Prague / Cathedral Kolín East-Bohemia / Hradec Králové AH LMLO Ave gemma virtuosa + – + 5/56 DO81 Matthiae A Ave lux et decus + + + – MG01 Gregorii C Gloriosa sanctissimi + + + 5/64 GR31 Benedicti C Fuit vir + + + – – Adalberti M Benedic regem cunctorum8 + + + – AD22 Sigismundi M Gaudeat ecclesia9 + + (lacuna) 5/79 SG61 Viti M Oravit sanctus Vitus10 + (lacuna) + – – Visitatio BMV Exurgens autem Maria + + (lacuna) 48/39 YV55 Margarethae V O Christi martyr11 Feast Office Dorotheae V – + + (lacuna) 28/3 MD33 Mariae Magd. 12 Diligebat autem + + + – – Martha Iucundetur in hoc solemnio + – + 28/14 MF13 Inventionis Stephani Ostendit sanctus Gamaliel13 + + + – – Augustini C Laetare mater nostra + + + – – Decoll. Ioh. Bapt. Beati Iohannis virtus + + + – – Aegidii C Suscipientes beati Aegidii + + + – – Ludmillae / Passio Ecce iubar matutinum14 + + + 5/70 LU61 8. Ed. Pikulik 1996. 9. The relics of the Burgundian king were brought to Prague on the initiative of Charles IV. At the synod of Prague in 1366 he was elevated to the rank of patron of the country. Cf. Czagány 2002, 55-56. 10. The prose cycle Oravit sanctus Vitus differs from the sporadically occurring Vitus chants of the CAO sources. It appears in a form almost identical to Prague in the printed breviaries of Münster and Hildesheim: Breviarium Monasteriense, Argentinae 1489 (D-W Tk 56; Breviarium Hildensemense, Nürnberg 1495 (D-W S 352-Helmst. 80). 11. Apart from the difference in the initial chant the historia is identical with the cycle O Margaretha caelorum present in South German and Hungarian sources. 12. Roughly corresponding to the cycle Dum redemptoris of the Hungarian sources. 13. With Matins chants from the Commune sanctorum. The historia Luciano venerabili was unknown in the Bohemian secular office tradition. 6. Ed. Tóth and Czagány, Historiae 20. 7. Ed. Haggh, Historiae 1. 276 14. Ludmilla, grandmother of Wenceslaus, was venerated at her resting place in the Benedictine monastery of St George in Prague Castle already in the eleventh century, while in the diocese her cult did not become general until ca. 1150. According to the sources the full historia Ecce iubar replaced the original common office at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Edition by Patier 1986. 277 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY Wenceslai M Adest dies laetitiae + + (lacuna) 5/96 WE51 Dionys. et soc. Adest namque beati + Dionysii15 + + – – Galli C Venerabilis Gallus16 + + + – – Undecim mil. virg. Laetis canamus vocibus + + + 28/93 UR83 Elisabeth vid. Laetare Germania17 + + + 25/90 EL61 Caeciliae V Virgo gloriosa semper + + + – – Catharinae V Ave gemma claritatis + + + 26/69 CB24 – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Table 3a. Historiae on the periphery including unica (=1): Hungary 18 19 20 21 Feast Office Central / Esztergom North/ Slovakia East / Transylvania, Waradinum South / Kalocsa, Zagreb AH LMLO Barbarae V Gratuletur regi digna + + + + 25/42 BA40 Conceptionis BMV Sicut lilium inter spinas + (1) – – – – – Anthonii erem. Vox de caelo ad Anthonium – + (1) – – – – Anthonii erem. Nunc Aegyptus parens – + (1) – – 25/32 AO33 Brigidae V In unum convertit aquam – + (1) – – – – Thomae Aquin. C Felix Thomas doctor – – – + 5/84 TH11 Helenae reg. Lignum verum dominicum + + – + 5/66 HE11 Matthiae A Universa plebs / Ave lux et decus18 – + + – – MG01 Quirini M O gloriosum et summum – + (1) – – – – Georgii M O sanctissimae Christi athleta19 – – + (1) – – – Petri M Collaetetur turba fidelium – – – + 28/48 PT51 – + (1) – – 5/79 SG61 XC64 15 16 17 Sigismundi M Gaudeat ecclesia20 Spineae Coronae Gaude felix mater ecclesia21 – + (1) – – 5/11 Floriani M Incliti militis tui – + (1) – – 26/11a FL51 Servatii M 5.13 Exultet omnis spiritus – + – – 5/77 SE61 Sophiae vid. 5.15 Sancta praeconia recolentes + + – – – – Viti M Beatus Vitus elevans + + – – – – 18. There are significant differences between the Bohemian and German (Trier) redactions of the historia. The breviaries from Northern Hungary contain the Trier version beginning with the antiphon Universa plebs and the Lauds cycle Decorem indutus et fortitudinem. The Antiphonale Varadinense by contrast contains the Bohemian redaction with Ave lux et decus at the beginning and Lauds starting Surgens Petrus in medio. Cf. Czagány 2009. 15. All Bohemian sources examined prescribe Matins from the Commune sanctorum. Only the Kolín Antiphoner (only fragments survive) gives proper items in the nocturns. Cf. Czagány 2002, 157, 179-180. 19. The prose office for St George is one of the mysteries of Hungarian music history; so far its origin remains unclear. The office is found only in the twelfth-century Codex Albensis, no later sources are known. Some items appear in other early offices of the Sanctorale in the Sarum tradition, in the breviary from Prüfening (D-Mbs clm 23037) and the antiphoner from Cambrai (F-CA 38). 16. Ed. Tremp - Berschin - Hiley, Historiae 21. 20. Identical with the Sigismundus historia of the Bohemian mainstream. 17. Ed. Haggh, Historiae 1. 21. Ed. Maurey, Historiae 29. 278 279 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Transfig. Ecce nubes lucida + (1) – – – – – Affrae M Gloriosa et beatissima24 + + – + – – Clarae V Iam sanctae Clarae claritas + + + + 5/54 CL11 Ludovici C O iubar caeli splendidum + + – 26/94 LV14 Stephani regis Adest festum venerandum – – – + – – Bernhardi C Magnificavit sanctum suum – – – + (1) – – Bartholomaei A Sanctus Bartholomeus + + – – 5/50 BA81 – Audi servorum clemens pia + – – – – – Bartholomaei A – – Bartholomaei A Quando Wadach25 – – + (1) – – – – Erasmi M Insignis martyr Erasmus + (1) – – – – – Barnabae A 6.11 Erumpat catholicae fons + (1) – – – – – Antonii de Padua C 6.13 Gaudeat ecclesia quam + – – – 5/42 AO51 Decem milia militum 6.22 O pastor aeterne + + + – – AC63 Decem milia militum Gloriosa recolitur dies + – – + 5/26 AC51 Visitationis BMV Accedunt laudes virginis – + – + 24/29 YV42 Margarethae V Sancta Margaretha virgo + (1) – – – – – – – + Eliae Clamat Eliseus prophetae 7.20 ad Eliam – Mariae Magdalenae Cum discubuisset – + – – – Gloriosa splendet – – 26/51 IO52 + – – 26/42 IA12 Verba viri sapientiae + + Decollationis Iohannis Bapt. – Iacobi A Iacobi A O beate Iacobe + – + + – – Decollationis Iohannis Bapt. Misit Herodes rex + – – – – – Annae O praeclarum germinum + – – – – – Decollationis Iohannis Bapt. Herodes tetrarcha audivit – + – – – – Annae Quasi stella matutina + + – – 5/38 AN25 Aegidii C Laus immensa Dei26 + + – – – – Annae Terra pontus astra mundus – + – – – – Aegidii C Christum laudemus cuncti + + – – – – Marthae Iucundare mente pia – + (1) – – – – Mauritii M Gloriosa Thebaeorum27 + + – – – – Marthae Iucundetur in hoc solemnio22 – – + (1) – 28/14 MF13 Gerardi ep. de Csanád O felicem praesulem28 – – – + (1) – – BMV de Nive Ab aeterno ordinata23 + + + + 5/15 Wenceslai M Adest dies laetitiae + + – – 5/96 WE51 Gaude felix parens Hispania Hieronymi C Clarus doctor et lux + – – – 26/40 IE28 Dominici C + + + + 25/85 DO21 Hieronymi C + (1) – 26/36 IE24 Sixti M + + + + – – Fulsit splendor firmamenti29 – Adest sancta sanctorum Transfig. Sunt de hic stantibus + + + + – – YC54 – 24 25 26 27 28 29 24. Ed. Hiley and Berschin, Historiae 10. Transfig. Assumpsit Iesus – + + – – XT12 Transfig. Domine bonum est nobis 25. The Bartholomaeus office preserved fragmentarily in the Antiphonale Varadinense is probably identical with that in the antiphoners from Kolín and Hradec Králové. + – + + – – 26. Identical with the Aegidius historia Suscipientes beati Aegidii of the Bohemian mainstream. 27. Ed. Hankeln, Historiae 30. 28. See Kovács 2013. 22 23 22. Ed. Czagány, Historiae 9. 23. Hungarian sources preserve four different melodic versions of the same historia text. The musically most elaborate redaction is found in the Antiphonale Varadinense. Cf. Czagány 2013b. 280 29. Preserved in fragmentary form (only chants of the Second Nocturn) in the Antiphonale Varadinense. The office was widely known in the South German area, but not in Bohemia, where the historia Clarus doctor et lux was used instead. 281 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY Hieronymi C Hieronymus lumen ecclesiae + (1) – – – – – Francisci C Franciscus vir catholicus + + + + 5/61 FR21 Stanislai M Dies adest celebris30 + + – – 5/81 Dionysii et soc. Sanctus Dionysius + qui tradente + – + – Dionysii et soc. Magna potens humiles – – – + Gereonis et soc. MM In sanctorum devotionibus – + (1) – Colomanni M Fons et origo bonitatis – + (1) Hedvigis el. O decus Trebniciae + Hedvigis el. Gaude solum Vratislaviae Sigismundi M – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Table 3b. Historiae on the periphery including unica (=1): Bohemia 34 35 36 Feast Office Prague / Cathedral Kolín Hradec Králové AH LMLO ST11 Barbarae V Gratuletur regi digna + (1) – – 25/42 BA40 – Conceptionis BMV Ave decus virgineum + – + 5/12 YC51 13/37 DI61 Cyrilli/ Methodii Adest dies gloriosa34 + (1) – – – – – – Erasmi M Gaude mater ecclesia + (1) – – 25/99 ER14 – – 13/34 CO11 Decem milia militum O pastor aeterne – – + (1) – AC63 + – + 26/28 HE01 Procopii C Age mater ecclesia + + – 5/74 PR51 Iacobi A Gloriosa splendet – – + (1) 26/42 IA12 – + (1) – – ? Annae + – + 25/24 AN34 Adest dies laetabundus – + (1) – – 28/69 SG62 Quasi stella matutina Marthae + (1) – – 28/18 MF18 Galli C Venerabilis Gallus31 + + + + – O quam praedigna35 Transfig. Assumpsit Iesus – + + – XT12 Marthae En illuxit lux celebris – + – – 28/15 MF14 Bartholomaei A Sanctus Bartholomaeus – + (fragm.) + – – Undecim mil. virg. Gloriosus Deus in sanctis suis – + – – 5/87 UR71 Hieronymi C Clarus doctor et lux + – + (fragm.) 26/40 IE28 Simonis et Iudae app. Adest solemnitas sanctorum + (1) – – – – – Quinque fratres Illis horis et momentis36 – – + (1) 25/69 CH51 Simonis et Iudae app. O beate Simon et Tadae – + (1) – – – – Praesent. BMV Fons hortorum redundans + + + 24/25 YP55 Emerici C In laudes Pannonia surge – – + – – – Brictii C Post discessum32 + – – + – – Othmari C Igitur Othmarus abbas33 – – + (1) – – – Praesent. BMV Fons hortorum redundans – – + (1) – 24/25 YP55 – ? – 30 31 32 33 30. Ed. Kubieniec 2015. 31. Ed. Tremp - Berschin - Hiley, Historiae 21. 32. The thirteenth-century Breviarium Strigoniense and four breviaries representing the Zagreb tradition give a full proper office for St Brictius unknown from other sources. 33. The Hungarian sources contain the usual short office for Othmar with the Magnificat Antiphon for First Vespers and proper Lauds antiphons. The twelfth-century Codex Albensis is exceptional in giving nine proper antiphons for Matins. This redaction represents the secular form of the second phase of the original monastic historia from St Gall. Cf. Berschin - Ochsenbein - Möller 1999. 282 34. The historia Adest dies gloriosa for the feast of the Moravian missionary bishops is contained only in the fourteenth-century Breviarium Pragense (CZ-Pn XV A 10). This cycle is not identical with the office Gaudet plebs christianorum published in AH. 35. Only the fourteenth-century Prague breviary CZ-Pn VII A 12 gives the extremely rare office O quam praedigna instead of the generally used Bohemian Iucundetur in hoc solemnio. 36. The relics of the five Benedictine monks Benedictus, Ioannes, Isaac, Matthaeus and Christianus were transferred from Gniezno to Prague together with the relics of Adalbertus in 1039 by Prince Břetislav I. 283 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY We may look at some examples from these subcategories, starting with ten historiae transmitted in the same form in both the Hungarian and the Bohemian traditions (Table 4). Table 5a. Basic historiae in the Hungarian mainstream only Table 4. Basic historiae in the mainstream of both the Hungarian and the Bohemian traditions Feast Office Dorotheae V Ave gemma virtuosa Gregorii C Gloriosa sanctissimi Benedicti C Fuit vir Visitatio BMV Exurgens autem Maria Margarethae V O Christi martyr Augustini C Laetare mater nostra Ursulae et soc. Laetis canamus vocibus Elisabeth vid. Laetare Germania Caeciliae V Virgo gloriosa semper Catharinae V Ave gemma claritatis These cycles can be found in the sources of both traditions in essentially the same form and arrangement, without any significant variants in their melodies. Most of them were transmitted in the same fixed form among the traditions of the South German region as well. An exception is the office for St Augustine Laetare mater nostra, which occurs only sporadically in South German diocesan practices, whereas it is consistently transmitted in the Hungarian, Bohemian, and Silesian dioceses (Wrocław). Similarly, we find the rhymed office of St Ursula Laetis canamus vocibus primarily in the sources of the Polish/Silesian region. This historia was taken over by the central Bohemian and Hungarian traditions as well, unlike the office Gaudeat ecclesia characteristic of the South German area. As examples of the other subdivision – that is, offices present exclusively in the Hungarian or the Bohemian basic repertory – we may mention the offices for St Vitus, Wenceslaus, Ludmilla, and Sigismundus in the Bohemian, and those for St Stephanus rex, Ladislaus, Emericus, Demetrius, and the hermits Andreas and Benedictus in the Hungarian tradition (see Tables 5a and 5b). 284 – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Feast Office Ladislai regis Fons aeternae pietatis Andreae et Benedicti erem. Sanctissimi viri Andreas et Benedictus Stephani regis Ave beate rex Stephane Demetrii M Perennis patriae regis Emerici ducis Laetare Pannonia Table 5b. Basic historiae in the Bohemian mainstream only Feast Office Sigismundi regis Gaudeat ecclesia Viti M Oravit sanctus Vitus Ludmillae vid. Ecce iubar matutinum Wenceslai M Adest dies laetitiae The historiae of the secondary groups (5a and 5b) are understandably even more heterogeneous than those of the basic layer. The diversity in their age and style is still more significant, and even the unifying force of the tradition itself plays a much lesser role. These offices might appear to constitute separate entities, which can be studied ‘out of context’, best described in independent case studies. Nevertheless, with careful analysis and proper interpretation of their make-up and their background we can discern some general tendencies among them. They may be discussed according to the following categories: a) Historiae taken over from neighbouring regions. In sources from the peripheral areas of a country we often come across offices that have no roots in the domestic cult system, but were taken over from the neighbouring traditions without becoming a stable element of their new environment. From this point of view special attention should be given to the diverse group of historiae found in the northern part of medieval Hungary. This area, called Szepes (in Latin Scepus, which is Spiš in today’s Slovakia), belonged to the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of Strigonium (Esztergom), where Strigonian liturgical use was followed. At the same time, since it was adjacent to the lands of the Bohemian crown as well as to Poland (the dioceses of Wrocław and Kraków), Szepes sources frequently included historiae otherwise belonging to those 285 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY neighbouring countries. For example, the rhymed office Adest dies laetitiae for Wenceslaus, Duke of Bohemia (martyred in 935), is a stable element of all Bohemian office sources from the fourteenth century on.37 Its Hungarian sources, however, originate almost exclusively in the northern region of the country.38 A similarly geographically circumscribed case is the historia O decus Trebniciae (Laetare Germania) for the Silesian patron St Hedwig, which appears in three sources from northern Hungary.39 This office also occurs sporadically elsewhere in the wider central European region (for example in Passau), but it can be documented mainly from Wrocław, the centre of the cult of St Hedwig.40 of them are indispensable elements of the central Bohemian tradition.44 The cult of Martha was imported from South France in the 1330s by Jan z Dražic, bishop of Prague. From that time on for the following 170 years the office for Martha was included in all Prague office sources.45 Similarly, in the fourteenth century the Matthias historia Ave lux et decus became an integral part of the Prague office repertory; its special antiphon cycle for Lauds Surgens Petrus in medio differentiates it sharply from the Trier redaction of the historia.46 In the Antiphonale Varadinense we find both historiae in their Bohemian redaction,47 indicating the direction of the import. The main figure behind this episode was Johannes Filipecz, the Moravian-born bishop of the Várad diocese. For Várad cathedral he commissioned an official antiphoner, characteristically from a Bohemian and not from a Hungarian workshop, where in the course of preparation not only domestic but also Bohemian models must have been used.48 b) Transference of historiae along personal or institutional cultural lines of connection. This phenomenon may be illustrated by the appearance of some strange offices in sources from the medieval bishopric of Zagreb. From 1180 Zagreb was subordinated to the archbishopric of Kalocsa – the second ecclesiastical province in Hungary founded by King Stephen shortly after the turn of the millennium – which covered the southern territories of medieval Hungary (including a great part of modern Croatia).41 At the beginning of the fourteenth century the Italian Dominican monk Augustino Gazotti, the new bishop of Zagreb, reformed the liturgy of the bishopric. As a consequence, several Dominican feasts appeared in the office sources of the region and became an integral part of Zagreb use.42 Some offices in the Antiphonale Varadinense, a fifteenth-century antiphoner from east Hungarian Várad (Waradinum, Oradea in modern Romania) are witnesses to a similar cultural connection. Although on the whole the manuscript is a representative of the medieval east Hungarian office tradition (TransylvaniaVárad) including all its repertorial, textual, and musical features,43 some of its historiae are alien to this otherwise homogenous corpus. For example, the offices Iucundetur in hoc solemnio for Martha and Ave lux et decus for the apostle Matthias are unknown in the true Hungarian office tradition, whereas both 37. For variants among individual sources see Czagány 2002, 152-154, 177. 38. Sources and repertory in Kovács 2006, 255-256, 297. 39. Diurnale, Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Naţională a României-filiala Batthyaneum (RO-AJ) R II 125; Breviarium, H-Bn 63.74.I.C; Breviarium, H-Bn 63.84.C. 40. Wrocław sources for the office O decus Trebniciae: Breviarium Vratislaviense saec. 14/2, PL-WRu I F 445; Breviarium Vratislaviense saec. 15, PL-WRu I F 447; Breviarium Vratislaviense 1362, PL-WRu I F 449; Antiphonale Waldenbergense saec. 15 (1495), PL-WRk 168. Curiously, one of the breviaries from Northern Hungary (Alba Iulia, R III 94) contains a different office for St Hedwig, Gaude solum Wratislawiae, unknown from any other source. 41. Cf. Kovács 2008, 35-36. 42. Felix Thomas doctor (Thomas Aquinas), Collaetetur turba fidelium (Petrus martyr); Gaude felix parens Hispania (Dominic). 43. Facsimile and essays on the Antiphonale Varadinense in Czagány 2019. For the repertory of the office sources from east-southern Hungary see Kovács 2010. 286 – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY c) Historiae showing aspirations toward independence. In peripheral areas we sometimes find unusual offices with no particular geographical or cultural connections but rather reflecting a kind of intentional distancing from the ecclesiastical centre. A good example of this among medieval Hungarian uses and regions are the numerous extra offices of the Zagreb bishopric. For the feast of Visitatio BMV the overwhelming majority of Hungarian sources prescribe the historia Exsurgens autem Maria (see Table 2a), attributed to Johannes de Jenštejn, whereas the alternative office by Adam Easton, Accedunt laudes virginis, occurs only in a few breviaries from the north (see Table 3a). In the Zagreb sources, however, we find only the latter office, the historia Exsurgens being completely ignored (Table 3a). This creative approach revealed itself even in the individual approach to the historiae for the national patron saints. The diocese of Zagreb chose King and St Stephen as its patron, but did not take over the saint’s rhymed office Ave beate rex Stephane, composed at the end of the thirteenth century and generally adopted thenceforth,49 using instead another office, Convenientes in unum, compiled mostly from prose texts.50 44. Cf. Czagány 2002, 81-82, 100 (Matthias), 121-123, 138 (Martha). 45. Cf. Czagány 2004 (Historia 9), x-xIV. 46. Cf. Czagány 2009. 47. Antiphonale Varadinense, vol. II fols. 12v-23r (Martha). Parts of the historia of St Matthias with the characteristic Lauds antiphons are preserved on the reconstructed fragments of the Antiphonale Varadinense kept in the diocesan library at Győr. Cf. Czagány 2009. 48. On the life and work of Jan Filipecz see Kalous 2001. 49. Ed. Dobszay, Historiae 18. 50. Cf. Kovács 2008, VI/B, 98-99. 287 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY The regional use of Transylvania and Várad also went its own way in the case of the historia for St Emeric, the son of King St Stephen. In the breviaries originating in this region (Table 3a), we find the individual compilation In laudes Pannonia surge instead of the Strigonian office Laetare Pannonia (Table 2a).51 From the region of medieval Hungary only Zagreb sources preserve the rhymed office Magna potens humiles for St Dionysius (Table 3a). Dionysius cannot be counted among the saints invoked most frequently, in either the Hungarian or the Bohemian tradition, and the very few sources that include his feast at all invariably contain the prose historia Adest namque beati Dionysii.52 The Zagreb office Magna potens humiles may be regarded as a curiosity, even when viewed in a European context: apart from its thirteen Zagreb witnesses I know of only a single further occurrence outside Zagreb.53 at First Vespers; finally in the appendix of the same source the complete historia Laetare Germania is given, similar to all later Bohemian sources.54 In some cases the process didn’t come to an end with the integration of a full office, but stopped halfway. This incompleteness can be well demonstrated by the special form of a historia in the Prague tradition. The office for St John Apostle and Evangelist Ioannes apostolus (27 December), probably composed by Stephen of Liège, quickly spread from the western Frankish region over central Europe from the eleventh century onward. In the majority of the South German uses it did not displace the classic office of the feast Qui vicerit faciam, but served instead as an alternative cycle, either on the feast day itself or on its octave. In the Prague tradition, however, the two offices – the archaic Qui vicerit and the newer Ioannes apostolus – were combined in a special way. Qui vicerit kept its primary position in the Matins of the feast; moreover, it was repeated on the Octave as well (also a sign of conservatism). The new office Ioannes apostolus was sung on the Octave too, not at Matins (its usual place elsewhere) however, but at Lauds. As a consequence, the original cycle with its nine antiphons conceived for Matins had to be shortened, since Lauds has room for only six (five plus one) antiphons. Eventually the historia Ioannes apostolus was preserved in the Prague tradition in this abbreviated form, beginning with the earliest surviving cathedral sources of the thirteenth century. The remaining three antiphons of the cycle appear only in the printed Prague breviary of 1492, where they are used as commemoration antiphons during the period infra octavam (cf. Table 6). In summary, we may say that the late east-central European traditions are rather conservative in nature, their structure varies little, and their liturgical organization, codified in elaborate regulations, left little room for new, ‘wandering’ offices. It is accordingly not surprising that in both the Bohemian and the Hungarian traditions the number of mainstream offices is relatively small, whereas the number of historiae outside the main corpus is large. The two phenomena are mutually inclusive: the rigidity of the basic repertory condemned the new historiae arriving from different directions to remain within their peripheral areas, and vice versa, the peripheral uses were not strong enough to propel these offices into the basic layer. The restraint showed by the dominant centres in accepting change resulted in a further characteristic in the development of the office repertory of central European diocesan usage, namely the gradual character of the transmission and integration, or – in some cases – their incompleteness. The gradual assimilation sometimes took place by way of properization, that is, the wellknown way of gradually forming a historia propria from a common office. For instance, the popular office for St Elisabeth Laetare Germania did not enter the secular Prague tradition in one swift campaign: the early Prague ordinals still prescribe the office of the Commune sanctorum for St Elisabeth. The main text of the fourteenth-century Prague breviary CZ-Pu VII A 12 represents a next step, giving Matins from the Commune in the main text but proper antiphons 51. The melodies of the historia are not preserved, the cycle is known only from breviaries without musical notation. 52. REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Table 6. The historia Ioannes apostolus, distribution of the antiphons in the Prague office tradition original series (Matins) a1 Ioannes apostolus a2 Supra pectus Domini a3 Quasi unus a4 In ferventis olaei a5 Propter insuperabilem a6 Occurrit beato Ioanni a7 Apparuit caro suo a8 Expandens manus a9 Domine suscipe me Prague distribution infra octavam, antiphonae in laudibus } antiphona ad Benedictus antiphonae commemorationum infra octavam Cf. Table 2b and note 13. 53. Antiphoner of Augsburg cathedral in seventeen volumes, København (Copenhagen), Det kongelige Bibliotek Slotsholmen, Gl. Kgl. S. 3449, 8o I. An inventory of the manuscript including melody incipits, compiled by Robert Klugseder, is included in the Cantus Database: <http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/index?source=123689>. 288 – 54. Cf. Czagány 2002, 59, 165-166, 183-184. 289 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES CZAGÁNY It was the conservative and rather negative attitude characteristic of the main corpus of historiae of the Bohemian and Hungarian sources that prevented the assimilation of many popular late medieval rhymed offices. For example, the following offices, popular across the rest of Europe (including the Germanspeaking areas), remained outside the main corpus of the Bohemian and Hungarian traditions, and appear only in a few peripheral sources: Gratuletur regi digna (Barbara), O pastor aeterne (Achatius et soc. = Decem milia militum), Gloriosa splendet orbi (Iacobus), Gloriosa et beatissima (Afra). None of the several historiae of St Anna found its way into the central Bohemian tradition, and the historiae of Aegidius were omitted from the mainstream of the Hungarian office repertory. Paradoxically, this tendency revealed itself in the case of some domestic saints as well. The conservative attitude, the adherence to the established system of the office proved to be stronger than the demonstration of any national character. The historia Adest dies gloriosa compiled in honour of the Moravian missionary bishops Cyrillus and Methodius is contained in only one fourteenth-century breviary from Prague Cathedral.55 The office Illis horis et momentis for the feast of the Five Brothers (Quinque fratres / Christianus cum fratribus, martyred on Polish territory in 1003) is recorded in only a few breviaries from Moravia and (in a fragmentary form) in one antiphoner from Hradec Králové.56 The historia Age mater ecclesia written in honour of St Procopius, abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Sázava, canonized in 1204, is known only from three Bohemian sources.57 In the great majority of the sources all three saints were celebrated with offices from the Commune sanctorum instead of their existing historiae propriae.58 As is clear from the foregoing, in the study of central European historiae special emphasis should be given to the complex and sometimes ambiguous interrelationship between centre and periphery. On the one hand, the central sources represent the essential characteristics of the individual traditions in their purest form, the stock of saint offices that constituted their innermost core through the whole Middle Ages. On the other hand, the peripheral sources preserved those components that were not integrated into the main corpus, but in response to special influences came to ornament the surface of the repertory. At the same time, alongside popular late historiae the peripheral sources also preserved elements that had once, in the early times of the spontaneous formation of the tradition, belonged to the core repertory. Later, however, these elements were removed for various reasons (for example because of reforms or new synodal regulations). In the later central sources, already compiled according to strict prescriptions, there was no longer room for them. But institutions further from the ecclesiastical centres and applying the regulations less strictly, may have continued to use them. An important task of the study of peripheral sources is to distinguish their superficial and variable layers from those that might have preserved traces of an archaic stage of evolution of the central tradition. 55. Cf. Table 3b and note 28. 56. Cf. Table 3b and note 30. – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY 57. Antiphonale Arnesti saec. 14, CZ-Pak P VI/1-3; Breviarium saec. 14, CZ-Pn VII A 12; Antiphonale ex Kolín II saec. 15/16, CZ-Pn XII A 21. 58. 290 Cf. Zsuzsa Czagány, CAO-ECE III/B, 199-200, 210. 291 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Appendix 1. Sources /Hungary Type Date Library Shelfmark Full content online Breviarium 1290 Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 67 http://hunchant.eu/source/1363 Antiphonale Strigoniense ca. 1360 Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi [TR-Itks] Deissmann http://hunchant.eu/source/1471 42 Antiphonale 15th c. Bratislava, Slovenský národný archív, fond: Kapitulská knižnica [SK-BRsa] 2 http://hunchant.eu/chantsoffice?source=1338 Antiphonale ca. 1487 Bratislava, Slovenský národný archív, fond: Kapitulská knižnica [SK-BRsa] 4 http://hunchant.eu/chantsoffice?source=1337 Antiphonale 15th c. Bratislava, Štátny archív [Sk-BRa] EC Lad. 4 http://hunchant.eu/chantsoffice?source=1320 Antiphonale 1487 Bratislava, Štátny archív [Sk-BRa] EC Lad. 4 http://hunchant.eu/chantsoffice?source=1339 Breviarium 15th c. archiepiscopi Georgii Pálóczi Salzburg, Universitäts-bibliothek [A-Su] M II 11 Breviarium Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Naţională a Românieifiliala Batthyaneum [RO-AJ] R. I. 110 Date Library Shelfmark Full content online 14th c. Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Naţională a Românieifiliala Batthyaneum [RO-AJ] R. II. 46 http://hunchant.eu/source/1365 Breviarium 14th15th c. Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Naţională a Românieifiliala Batthyaneum [RO-AJ] R. III. 94 http://hunchant.eu/source/1393 Breviarium 15th c. Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Naţională a Românieifiliala Batthyaneum [RO-AJ] R. II. 102 http://hunchant.eu/source/1394 Antiphonale Scepusiense 15th c. Spiš, Knižnica Spišskej kapituly Ms. Mus. 2 http://hunchant.eu/source/1317 Diurnale 15th c. Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Naţională a Românieifiliala Batthyaneum [RO-AJ] R. II. 125 http://hunchant.eu/source/1392 Breviarium 15th c. Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum [H-Bmnm] 63.74.1.C http://hunchant.eu/source/1373 Breviarium 15th c. Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum [H-Bmnm] 63.84.C. http://hunchant.eu/source/1391 III. Kalocsa / Zagreb Type Date Library Shelfmark Full content online Breviarium Colocense 14th c. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár [H-Bn] Clmae 33 http://hunchant.eu/source/1513 Breviarium 14th15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 43 http://hunchant.eu/source/1601 Breviarium 1479 Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana [I-Rvat] Ottob. Lat. 667 – http://hunchant.eu/source/1382 Antiphonale 15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 1 http://hunchant.eu/source/1355 MS I. 3. c http://hunchant.eu/source/1321 Intonarium 15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 10 http://hunchant.eu/source/1356 MS I. 3. d http://hunchant.eu/source/1322 Breviarium 14th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 29 http://hunchant.eu/source/1595 Ráth F 1042 http://hunchant.eu/source/1470 Breviarium 15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] I. c. 42 – Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek [A-Wn] Cod. 1812 http://hunchant.eu/source/1371 Breviarium 15th c. Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek [A-Wn] Cod. 1829 http://hunchant.eu/source/1368 Breviarium archiepiscopi Georgii Szathmáry 15th c. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France [F-Pn] ms. lat. 8879 http://hunchant.eu/source/1372 Breviarium Dominici Kálmáncsehi 15th c. New York, Pierpont Morgan Library [US-NYpm] M.A.G.7 Antiphonale 15th c. Strigoniense I Esztergom, Főszékesegyházi Könyvtár [H-Efkö] Antiphonale 15th c. Strigoniense II Esztergom, Főszékesegyházi Könyvtár [H-Efkö] 292 Type Breviarium http://hunchant.eu/source/1366 15th c. Nürnberg Budapest, Magyar 1484 Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára [H-Ba] REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY http://hunchant.eu/source/1383 Breviarium Breviarium Strigoniense (impr.) – II. Esztergom (Strigonium) / North (today Slovakia) I. Esztergom (Strigonium) / Central 15th c. CZAGÁNY 293 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Breviarium 14th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 44 http://hunchant.eu/source/1612 Breviarium et Missale 15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 46 http://hunchant.eu/source/1737 Breviarium 14th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 65 Breviarium 14th15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] Breviarium 15th c. Breviarium CZAGÁNY – REPERTORIAL LAYERS AND TRANSMISSION IN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY Appendix 2. Sources / Bohemia I. Prague / Central Type Date Library Shelfmark Full content online http://hunchant.eu/source/1514 Liber Ordinarius 13th14th c. Praha, Národní knihovna České republiky [CZ-Pu] IV D 9 http://hunchant.eu/source/1397 MR 80 http://hunchant.eu/source/1628 Liber Ordinarius 14th c. Praha, Knihovna Národního muzea [CZ-Pnm] XIV D 9 http://hunchant.eu/source/1353 Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 103 http://hunchant.eu/source/1603 Antiphonale archiepiscopi Arnesti de Pardubice 14th c. Praha, Archiv Pražského hradu, knihovna Metropolitní kapituly [CZ-Pak] P VI/1-3 http://hunchant.eu/source/1655 15th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 104 http://hunchant.eu/source/1611 Breviarium notatum 14th c. Praha, Knihovna Národního muzea [CZ-Pnm] XV A 10 http://hunchant.eu/source/1362 Breviarium 14th c. Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica [Hr-Zmk] MR 120 http://hunchant.eu/source/1516 Breviarium 14th c. Praha, Národní knihovna České republiky [CZ-Pu] VII A 12 http://hunchant.eu/source/1480 Breviarium canonici Stephani de Nagylak 1489 Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár [H-Bn] Clmae 343 http://hunchant.eu/source/1519 Breviarium Pragense (impr.) Nürnberg 1492 Praha, Národní knihovna České republiky [CZ-Pu] 42 G 28 http://hunchant.eu/source/1479 Breviarium praepositi Dominici Kálmáncsehi 15th c. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár [H-Bn] Clmae 446 http://hunchant.eu/source/1520 II. Periphery Type Date Library Shelfmark Full content online Breviarium Zagrebiense (impr.) Venice 1484 Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár [H-Bn] Inc. 800 Antiphonale ex Kolín II 15th16th c. Praha, Knihovna Národního muzea [CZ-Pnm] XII A 21 – Antiphonale ex Kolín I 15th16th c. Praha, Knihovna Národního muzea [CZ-Pnm] XII A 22 http://hunchant.eu/source/1469 15th c. Hradec Králové, Muzeum Východních Čech [CZ-HKm] II A 3 http://hunchant.eu/source/1658 15th c. Hradec Králové, Muzeum Východních Čech [CZ-HKm] II A 4 http://hunchant.eu/source/1481 http://hunchant.eu/source/1521 IV. Transylvania / Waradinum Type Date Library Shelfmark Full content online Antiphonale (Codex Albensis) 12th c. Graz, Universitätsbibliothek [A-Gu] Ms. 211 http://hunchant.eu/source/1489 Antiphonale ex Hradec Králové II Breviarium 1462 Güssing, Bibliothek des Cod. 1/34 Franziskanerklosters [A-GÜ] – Antiphonale ex Hradec Králové I Breviarium 15th c. Budapest, Egyetemi Könyvtár [H-Bu] Cod. lat. 104 – Breviarium Varadinense 1460 Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana [I-Rvat] Vat. Lat. 8247 – Antiphonale Varadinense 15th c. Győr, Egyházmegyei Kincstár és Könyvtár [H-Gc] sine sign. – 294 295 Jurij Snoj Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts Institute of Musicology Late liturgical offices in Aquileian manuscripts Introduction “The Rite of Aquileia”, a commonly accepted term in the discussion of medieval liturgy and chant, has been used to refer to what are in fact different aspects of liturgical usages in the vast territory of the Patriarchate of Aquileia. Formally it may designate the liturgical order of the main Aquileian centres: Aquileia, Cividale, and Udine (the actual residence of the Patriarch since 1238). It has also been used in a broader sense to refer to any of the disparate liturgical practices anywhere within the Patriarchate, which encompassed a host of suffragan dioceses in northern Italy (Mantova, Verona, Vicenza, Padova, Treviso, Trieste, Trento, Belluno, Como, Feltre, Concordia, Ceneda) and Istria (Koper/ Capodistria, Novigrad/Cittanova, Poreč/Parenzo, Pićan/Pedena, Pula/Pola). The suffragan dioceses could follow the usage of their metropolitan church, yet this was not necessarily the case: the liturgical manuscripts from Koper/ Capodistria conform to the Roman rite and do not include any Aquileian traits; the same appears to have been the case in the diocese of Trento.1 But even the manuscripts from the main Aquileian centres, Aquileia and Cividale, do not always agree, neither in the calendar nor with respect to the disposition of the chants, which makes the characterization of the rite of Aquileia additionally problematic.2 The liturgy that was in fact functioning as an Aquileian norm was thus only that of the Aquileian printed books,3 which were expressly designated as “secundum usum Aquileiensis ecclesiae”, and were by the end of the fifteenth century largely accessible. There is, however, another criterion by which the characteristics of the rite of Aquileia could be defined. In the Aquileian liturgical manuscripts, be it those from the main Aquileian centres or those from other parts of the Patriarchate, there are offices and mass propers as well as single chants that must have come into existence somewhere in the Patriarchate, and were therefore disseminated 1. Gozzi 2003a, 575-576, 603, and passim. 2. Compare the calendars of the principal sources from Aquileia and Cividale in: Camilot-Oswald 1997b, cxIII-cxxxV. 3. For example the Missale Aquileiense (Augsburg: Erhard Ratdold, 1494); Breviarium Aquileiense (Venice: Andreas de Torresanis de Asula, 1496). 297 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ especially, though not always exclusively, within the borders of the Aquileian ecclesiastical province. Several categories of such offices, mass propers, and other chants can be discerned. The repertory of late offices The antiphoners from Aquileia and Cividale transmit several dozen late medieval liturgical offices,5 conceived either in verse (Table 1), in prose, or in a mixture of the two (Table 3).6 Not unexpectedly, the antiphoners differ quite considerably as to the number of offices they contain (see Tables 2 and 4). 1) In the first place, there are offices for the feasts of Aquileian martyrs and other important Aquileian ecclesiastics, bishops, and patriarchs. Aquileia, a small village today, was in late antiquity one of the largest cities in northern Italy, and there was a strong Christian community, several members of which were executed by pagan authorities and subsequently venerated as saints. 2) Persecutions of Christians also took place in other neighbouring towns and places that later became part of the Patriarchate. In this way several martyrs (or groups of martyrs) who at the time of their execution did not stand in any relation to Aquileia, later – when their respective towns or areas were taken up into the ecclesiastical territory of the Aquileian metropolis – entered the liturgical calendar of Aquileia and Cividale and sometimes also other Aquileian ecclesiastical centres, where they were venerated with newly composed offices or other proper chants. 3) Similarly, in Aquileian liturgical books there are some offices or other liturgical items for the feasts of saints whose connection to Aquileia was limited to the fact that their relics found their resting place in one of the Aquileian ecclesiastical centres, because of which they became subject of a special veneration. 4) Those offices, mass propers, or other chants that were created in one of the Aquileian centres, but for the feasts of universally venerated or at least nonAquileian saints, should also be considered Aquileian. 5) Finally, there are also reverse cases: offices for specifically Aquileian saints that appear to have been composed not in one of the Aquileian centers but elsewhere, and in some cases even outside the Patriarchate. All these offices, as well as other liturgical items, and especially those of the feasts of the Aquileian martyrs, may be regarded as Aquileian in respect of the historical circumstances of their coming into being, and in several cases also in respect of their specific content.4 The circumstances outlined above are reflected in the repertory of liturgical offices to be found in the antiphoners from Aquileia and Cividale. 4. 298 On the tropes composed in Aquileian ecclesiastical centres see Scotti 2006. – LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS Table 1. Versified offices in Aquileia and Cividale Feast Incipit AH Aegidii O quam miranda 25, 5 Annae Anna sancta de qua 25, 18 Benedicti Praeclarum late 25, 52 Bernardi Beatus Bernardus ab infantia* 26, 17 De Conceptione Gaude mater ecclesia 5, 12 Dominici Gaude felix parens 25, 85 Donati Agens diem festum 24, 68 Dorotheae Ave gemma virtuosa 5, 56 Elisabeth Laetare Germania 25, 90 Eustachii Inventio Gaude mater ecclesia tam devota familia – Francisci Franciscus vir catholicus 5, 61 Georgii Coepit praeses contristari 45a, 35 Gregorii Gloriosa sanctissimi 5, 64 Hellari et Tatiani Haec vera fraternitas 45a, 43 Hieronymi Sancti Ieronimi 26, 40 Hieronymi Iens per mundi 26, 38 5. The criterion of ‘late medieval’ employed here is, roughly, the absence of the office’s chants from the antiphoners of Corpus Antiphonalium Officii. 6. The list has been created on the basis of Raffaella Camilot-Oswald’s description of the manuscripts (see note 2) and the Aquileian and Regensburg Chant Database at <http://www.uni-regensburg.de/Fakultaeten/phil_Fak_I/ Musikwissenschaft/cantus/index.htm> (see under ‘Databases’). The list may not be quite complete. Explanation of the symbols used in Tables 1-4: - Gorizia A, Gorizia B, etc.: Gorizia, Biblioteca del Seminario Teologico Centrale, Cod. A, Cod. B, etc.; - Cividale 30, Cividale 34, etc.: Cividale, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Cod. XXX, Cod. XXXIV, etc.; - Antiphoner of Kranj: Ljubljana, Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana [Archiepiscopal Archives Ljubljana], Rkp 18, Rkp 19; facsimile edition: Snoj and Gilányi 2007. The second number in the column AH (Analecta hymnica medii aevi) refers to the numbering of offices (not the page). The asterisk * signifies that the office to some extent differs from the version in the AH. The ‘Identification’ column in Table 3 quotes some casually chosen chants. In the ‘Annotations’ column the long hyphen denotes absence. Cantus Database, ed. Debra Lacoste - Jan Koláček - Kate Helsen <http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/>. 299 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ – LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS Table 2. Sources of versified offices in Aquileia and Cividale Jacobi Gloriosa splendet orbi 26, 42 Justi Tergestini Fulget clara dies 45a, 52 Katharinae Inclita sanctae virginis 26, 69 Margaretae O Margareta caelorum 28, 3 Aegidii Marthae Assunt festa magnifica 45a, 62 Annae Nicolai Transl. Summe sacerdos 28, 29 Benedicti Petri Mart. Collaetetur turba 28, 48 Bernardi Thomae Aq. Felix Thomas 5, 84 Concep. * * Thomae Cant. Pastor caesus 13, 92 Dominici * * Titi Claret dies 45a, 77 Donati Ursulae Gaudeat ecclesia 5, 87 Dorotheae Visitationis Accedunt laudes 24, 29 Elisabeth Feast Gorizia Cividale A B C * * * D L S.n. 30 34 41 * * * 44 47 48 * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Georgii * Gregorii * * * Hellari et T. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Hieronymi * Hieronymi * * * * Justi * Katharinae * * Margaretae * * * * Marthae * * * * * * Nicolai Tr. 300 91 * Francisci * * Petri Mart. * * Thomae Aq. * * Thomae C. 58 * * * 57 * Eustachii Inv. Jacobi 49 * * * Titi * * Ursulae * * Visitationis * * * 301 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ Table 3. Other late offices in Aquileia and Cividale Table 4. Sources of other late offices in Aquileia and Cividale Feast Identification Antonii Abbatis A A R A Barbarae Bartholomaei Annotations Beatus es o beate Antoni Aequalitatem propositi Celebret ecclesia laudes Dum migraret gloriosus A Perambulans vero immaculata R Patrato namque tam R O nimis felix et elegans A Beatus vir qui suffert Divisio Ap. A Beati eritis cum vos A Caeli sedes Dei R In dulcifluo carmine LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS Feast A * * Christophori * * Divisio Ap. * * Cantus database: only the Antiphoner of Kranj G F K * * * S.n. Cantus database: only the Antiphoner of Kranj 44 * * * * * * * * Juliani Histrici Mariae Magd. Hermagorae A Beatus Hermagoras Mauri Jacobi A Videns ergo pontifex A Honorabilem eximii patroni R Facta autem in turba Pantaleonis * * * * * Cantus database: – Mariae ad Nives A Dum Ioannes almae urbis A Accipe igitur sanctissima A Non igitur divina clementia Cantus database: only the Antiphoner of Kranj Mariae Magd. R A R R Marinae A Vide filia ut nullus A Sepulta est vero beatissima R Marina virgo venerabilis Marthae A Adonai Jesu Christe A Diligebat dominus Jesus A Gloriosa Martha A Haec est Martha Mauri Parentini A Pantaleonis A Gratias tibi ago … quia me A Non diceris ultra A Senator quidam nomine Quattuor Virginum A Conversus Jesus ad Mariam Dimissa sunt a domino Martha stetit et ait Soror Marthae Cantus database: – Only 6 chants; none in Cantus database * * Marthae R Aurora felicis irradiante A Convertisti planctum meum A In petra exaltavit * * * Marinae Quattuor V. 91 * * Jacobi A Non solum eos A Vicesima octava A Laeta plebs gaudens A Cum esset Helena regina 57 * * Hermagorae Helenae 48 * Helenae Consequantur domine 302 L Eustachii A Orante sancta Euphemia C * Bartholomaei Eustachii De magnificis partibus B Cividale Barbarae Cantus database: only the Antiphoner of Kranj Mariae ad Niv. Juliani Histrici Gorizia Antonii Abb. A Factum est quaerentibus A Indignatus rex Astriges A Pandit eis Berith Christophori – * * * * * * * * * * * In the absence of reliable modern editions of text and music of many of these offices it is risky to discuss the repertory and make general conclusions about its characteristics. The tables presented give the impression that it is easy to define what makes up the whole repertory, but this is not the case. An office as it appears in a given antiphoner cannot always be identified quite exactly: some offices in Aquileian manuscripts consist primarily of widely transmitted items (in CAO) but also include some other unusual chants (this category of offices has not been taken into consideration; they are absent from the tables). Such an example is the office for the feast of the Annunciation in Go: L and S.n.; some of its chants are absent from CAO and, although it is in prose, it includes a versified antiphon taken from the office of the Immaculate Conception.7 A similar example is the office of St Zeno in Civ: 30, 34, and 47, which contains some nonCAO chants. The reverse is also the case: there are offices composed primarily of later chants, among which some CAO items are included, an example being the office of St Helena in Civ: 44 and 48. It is quite conceivable that there are, in other sources, variants of these and similarly compiled offices. The problem of 7. AH 5, no. 12. p. 50. 303 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ identification may be additionally illustrated by the office of St Bernard, which appears to be a conflation of two pre-existing offices: those of St Geberhard and St Rudbert.8 There may be theological explanations for such a mixture, yet from the point of view of this article it is more important to observe that the compiler of the office felt quite free to use and adapt the already existing items. The examples quoted, while posing specific methodological problems, indicate that the dissemination of liturgical poetry and music proceeded as an active and even creative process, because of which repertories of offices cannot always be defined quite unambiguously. of Aquileia, installed by St Mark the Evangelist, Fortunatus his deacon. The office was known also in Venice, but with other melodies.10 As can be seen from the Tables 2 and 4, the antiphoners from Aquileia and Cividale differ quite considerably in the number of their local offices. There are more offices in the slightly younger antiphoners from Cividale (fourteenthfifteenth century) than in those from Aquileia (thirteenth-fifteenth century). Many offices turn up in both groups, but some are limited to just one. The antiphoners Go: A and B include the majority of offices to be found in the Aquileian group; in Cividale, a similar significance can be allotted to the antiphoners Civ: 44, 48, and 57. These examples, which could be continued and complemented by investigating their historical circumstances, again show the liturgy as an active undertaking, and teach us that ‘the rite of Aquileia’ cannot be defined down to the last detail. Analyzing the whole Aquileian repertory with respect to the history of its dissemination, three overlapping groups can be discerned: 1) offices that enjoyed a wide dissemination in the later Middle Ages; 2) offices that appear to have been limited to a narrow area, or even just to the Patriarchate (marked light grey in the Tables 1 and 3); and 3) offices that almost certainly originated in one of the Aquileian ecclesiastical centres and whose authors should be searched for among the Aquileian clergy (marked dark grey in the Tables 1 and 3). There are no clear-cut borders between the three groups; some of the offices of the second group might perhaps be better assigned either to the first or to the third. The offices that must have originated somewhere in the Patriarchate are not always Aquileian in respect of their contents, if we define as ‘Aquileian’ just those offices of martyrs who were persecuted in Aquileia itself. Four such offices are known so far: 1) The office of Sts Hermagoras and Fortunatus certainly existed already in the thirteenth century.9 As we learn from its texts, Hermagoras was the first bishop 8. The office for St Geberhard is published in AH 26, no. 17; that for St Rudbert (Rupert) is to be found in the printed Passau antiphoner, Antiphonale Pataviense (Vienna, 1519). 9. Its oldest copy is to be found in the manuscript Go: B from the second half of the thirteenth century; see Camilot-Oswald 1997a, 211. 304 – LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS 2) The office of the Four Virgins Euphemia, Dorothea, Thecla, and Erasma; according to its text, they were baptized by St Hermagoras and afterward persecuted by Aquileian pagan authorities. The office is to be found in the antiphoners Go: A and B which are both from the thirteenth century;11 it was known also in Venice, but with other melodies.12 3) The office of Sts Hellarus and Tatianus. Hellarus was a bishop of Aquileia, Tatianus his deacon; they were persecuted at the end of the third century, yet according to other accounts Hellarus succeeded Hermagoras, which shifts his life two centuries earlier in time. Lucia Boscolo has perceptively demonstrated how the office, conceived in verse, grew out of an earlier prose office that included just a couple of proper chants. The office came into being in the thirteenth century.13 4) The fourth of the Aquileian offices, that of St Cantius and his fellow martyrs, is known only from the Antiphoner of Kranj (now in Slovenia, see note 6).14 In the sources from Aquileia and Cividale there are only a couple of proper chants for their feast. Another small group includes offices of those martyrs who were persecuted in the areas that later became part of the Patriarchate. In the antiphoners from Aquileia and Cividale, there are at least two such offices: 1) St Justus of Trieste, one of the Aquileian suffragan dioceses, who was cruelly drowned in the sea, was venerated in Cividale. His office seems to have been preserved only in one fifteenth-century manuscript from Cividale.15 2) In the Middle Ages St Maurus of Poreč/Parenzo was believed to be a Roman martyr whose body was in a miraculous way brought by a boat to the shores 10. Cattin 1990, vol. 2, 103-104 (list of chants from a thirteenth-century manuscript), 255-256 (list of chants from a sixteenth-century manuscript), vol. III, 216 (commentary), 31*-47* (edition of text and music). 11. Camilot-Oswald 1997b, 64-72 (description of the manuscripts mentioned). 12. Cattin 1990, vol. 2, 113-114 (list of chants from a thirteenth-century manuscript), 264-265 (list of chants from a sixteenth-century manuscript), vol. 3, 217-218 (commentary), 70*-81* (edition of text and music). Another edition of the music: Baroffio and Kim 1999, 85-98. 13. Boscolo 2003, 474-476. There are two editions of the office: the monastic version was edited by Baroffio and Kim 1999, 69-83, the secular version by Snoj 2003 (Historiae 8). 14. Also edited by Snoj 2003 (Historiae 8). 15. Civ: 57; Camilot-Oswald 1997b, 29-33 (description of the manuscript). It seems that no liturgical books from the Trieste cathedral of San Giusto have been preserved; see Baroffio 1999, 256. 305 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ of Poreč/Parenzo. Later excavations in the town revealed that there was also a local martyr with that name. Two manuscripts from Cividale preserve six chants for the feast of St Maurus (which cannot be regarded as a complete office).16 The other three offices (Sts Hellarus and Tatianus, St Donatus and companions, St Justus) are versified in the true sense of the word. The verse structure of the office of Sts Hellarus and Tatianus has been already studied in detail.19 Although it is variegated enough, it can be explained as consisting basically of distichs and tristichs of several related types. A glance at Table 520 reveals that the author consciously used some commonly known forms of late Latin versification; it is significant that with one exception – which may be erroneous (8p 8p 6p, see Responsory 3) – the distichs and tristichs comprise verses of which one or two respectively have one less syllable than the others. There are also some longer successions of verses of the same type, and two hexameters. The verse structure of the office thus appears quite regular; what is not regular and might even be randomly casual is the selection of distichs, tristichs, and other structures as constituents of single chants. As a mixture of various types of verse the Benedictus antiphon may be cited; it consists of this apparently random succession: 8p × 2, 7pp × 2, 8p × 4, 7pp × 2. No strict principle regulating the succession of distichs, tristichs, and other structures in the office as a whole can be discerned. The group of Pannonian martyrs Donatus, Silvanus, Hermogenes, and Romulus has a similarly distant historical relation to the Patriarchate: their relics were brought to Cividale, where they became the subject of a special veneration. One of the antiphoners from Cividale (Civ: 57) transmits an office in honour of these saints that seems to be unique. That it was composed for Cividale, and very likely in Cividale itself, may be gathered from the fact that the town is mentioned expressly in the text several times (“Nobilis Austri civitas”, “Civilitana polis”, both in Responsory 1). There may be other offices in the repertory that came into being within the borders of the Patriarchate. It has been hypothesized that one such office was that of St George found in three antiphoners from Cividale.17 Linguistic and poetic structures Medieval liturgical offices can be studied in respect of content, linguistic and poetic as well as musical style. As the offices just described came into being in the same historical environment, it is tempting to inspect whether they bear common stylistic traits. The following discussion shows that while exemplifying typical features of late liturgical versification, they differ among themselves quite considerably. The office of Sts Hermagoras and Fortunatus is conceived in prose, but an internal rhyme or assonance can be detected in a few chants, for example in the responsory of First Vespers: O testis verbi pie pastor assecla veri cum Fortunato socio tibi martyre sancto […]. The office of the Four Virgins is also mostly in prose, but includes some versified chants, all except one exhibiting the structure 8pp × 4.18 The exception is the invitatory antiphon with the structure (8p 7pp) × 2. Some of the versified texts lack rhyme and regular accentuation, but make use of alliteration, standing thus somehow between prose and verse, for example: Beatissime virgines impletis vasis oleo accensisque lampadibus obviaverunt domino. Boscolo 2003, 498. 18. The analysis of versification follows the methods of Norberg 2004; see esp. the chapter ‘The beginning of rhythmic versification’. 306 LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS The poem reveals some characteristic traits. It cannot escape notice that there are grecisms in the text: “theos”, “alpha”, and a strange word “pantocre” (MR4, “pantochir” in some copies) that has not been explained quite satisfactorily so far. M-R5 is a pleasing description of Spring; although it has a symbolic meaning, as it refers to the martyrs, it seems rather unusual for liturgical poetry. Although there are some awkward places in the office, its poet appears to have been acquainted with the rules of his craft, and not quite without inspiration. Similar formations are exhibited by the office of St Donatus and his companions (see Table 6), whose verse has also already been analysed in detail.21 The office consists of the same or similar di- and tristichs as that of St Hellarus, yet it includes many unusual and casual verse formations; some of them seem to be a result of inexpert versification. There are no historical particularities in the office; very likely they were not known to its author. The text is thus just a conventional eulogy abounding in common rhetorical tropes. There is no discernible order in the disposition of the subjects touched upon. 16. A complete office of St Maurus, in prose, is preserved as a later addition in the Antiphoner of Izola/Isola (now Slovenia), where the church is dedicated to the saint. 17. – 19. Boscolo 2003, 478-483. 20. In Tables 5 and 6 the characters (a), (b), etc. denote the first part of the chant, the second, etc. 21. Boscolo 2003, 491-494. 307 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ Table 5. Verse types in the office of Sts Hellarus and Tatianus Table 6. Verse types in the office of St Donatus and companions Distichs Tristichs Other forms – LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS Distichs Hexameter Other forms Hexameter Antiphons Antiphons 1V-A1 (7pp 6p) × 4 1V-A1 1V-A2 (8p 7pp) × 2 1V-A2 1V-A3 (8p 7pp) × 2 1V-A3 8p 7pp 1V-A4 (8p 7pp) × 2 (a) 1V-A4 1V-A5 (5p 6p) × 2 (c) 8p 7pp (a) 8pp 7pp (b) 1V-Am (7pp 6p) × 4 M-I 8p 8p 7pp (b) 6p × 2 (a) 6pp 6p (b) 6p 6p 7pp (a) M-A2 (8p 7pp) × 2 M-A3 (7pp 6p) × 2 M-A1 (7pp 7p) × 2 M-A2 7pp × 3 (b) (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 M-A6 8p 8p 7pp (a) M-A7 7pp × 3 (b) 8p 8p 7pp 7pp × 2 6p × 2 8p 8p 7pp (7pp 6p) × 2 M-A8 (7pp 6p) × 3 M-A8 (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 M-A9 M-A9 (8p 8p 7pp) × 3 L-A1 7pp 7pp 6p (b) L-A2 (7pp 6p) × 4 8p 7p 8pp 7p M-A4 M-A5 (7pp 6p) × 2 (a) 8p 8p 7pp M-A3 M-A6 L-A2 8pp × 2 7p × 2 (8p 7pp) × 2 M-A5 L-A1 8p 8p 7pp M-I (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 M-A4 (8p 7pp) × 2 1V-A5 (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 M-A1 M-A7 Tristichs L-A3 7pp × 4 9p 9p 7p 7p (6p 7p) × 2 L-A4 (7pp 6p) × 2 (7pp 6p) × 2 L-A5 L-A5 (7pp 6p) × 2 2V-Am 8p × 2 (a) 7pp × 2 (b) 8p × 4 (c) 7pp × 2 (d) 7p × 4 (7pp 6p) × 2 L-A3 L-A4 L-Ab (7pp 6p) × 2 8p 8p 7pp (8pp 7p) × 4 Responsories M-R1 Responsories (8pp 7p) × 3 (a) M-R3 8pp 7p (a) M-R4 (b) (b) 8pp 7p 7p (b) (c) 7p × 6 (a) (b) 7p 8p 7p × 4 (a) (b) 8pp 6p (a) (c) M-R1 8pp × 4 (a) M-R2 6p × 6 (a) 7pp × 6 (b) M-R5 M-R6 (8pp 7p) × 2 (b) M-R7 (8pp 7p) × 3 (a) (b) M-R8 (8pp 7p) × 3 (a) (b) M-R3 7pp 7pp 6p (a) 8p 8p 7pp (c) 8p 8p 6p (b) 7pp × 3 (d) M-R4 (6p 6p 7pp) × 2 (a) 7pp × 3 (b) M-R5 (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 (b) 7pp × 4 (a) M-R6 8p 8p 7pp (b) 8pp × 8 (a) M-R7 (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 (a) M-R8 (8p 8p 7pp) × 3 M-R9 (8p 8p 7pp) × 2 (b) 308 (b) (8pp 8pp 7p) × 2 (a) M-R2 (b) 7pp × 4 (a) 309 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ The verse of the office of St Justus of Trieste is quite different, consisting exclusively of quantitative classical hexameters with a regular penthemimeral caesura. There is also rhyme: either the last spondees of two subsequent hexameters, or the two parts of the hexameter (the part before the caesura and the last spondee), or both the last spondees and the internal caesuras of two subsequent verses (ab ab) may be connected by a rhyme. The formal structure of the office is strictly regulated: antiphons consist of two hexameters, responsories of three or four hexameters for the respond and two for the verse; the Magnificat antiphon comprises seven verses. Details of the saint’s martyrdom are mentioned in the text: The time of the persecution is identified – it took place under Diocletian and Maximian, and we learn that the saint was bound, that leaden weights were attached to his limbs, and he was put into the sea; yet the sea refused to receive such a saint and threw his dead body, although heavy because of the weights, onto the shore. Apart from these details the text consists of rather conventional eulogizing phrases. The language of the office has some pronounced characteristics. The poet occasionally uses biblical phrases (“domu[s] Domini”, “mori lucrum”, “fidei scut[um]”), and once he names God with Jupiter’s classical epitheton (“tonan[s]”). As a grammatical peculiarity, his use of the reflexive pronoun, referring not to the subject of the sentence but to some other part of the speech, may be mentioned (e.g. “Praeses damnavit [Justum] / nec non sibi membra ligavit”). In the office, there are four instances of this, which certainly does not correspond to classical usage. Should there be other texts of the same author, they might be recognized by this grammatical trait. Table 7. Musical characteristics of the offices Music The conception of a liturgical office as a consistent and coherent whole, exhibited in the definite subject (a saint’s life) and most often also in the verse structure, may find expression in its musical structure as well. It can be articulated, for example, by the progressive modal order of the chants. As can be seen from Table 7,22 it is only in the office of St Donatus that the order of modes is fully observed (marked light grey); in two other offices it is limited to Matins, whereas in the office of St Hellarus there are no traces of any modal organization. A special study might possibly reveal whether there are historical reasons for the limitation of the modal order just to Matins in two of the offices, that is, whether it was in the transmission history that the original modal order got partly lost – by rearrangements or substitutions. 22. The office of St Donatus has not been published; the information concerning the modes of the chants has been taken from Boscolo 2003, 495; (“tr” = transposed). 310 – LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS Chant Hermagorae Quattuor Virginum Hellari Donati 1V-A1 mode 8 mode 6 mode 6 mode 1 1V-A2 7 5 5 2 1V-A3 6 7 7 3 1V-A4 5 1 5/6 4 1V-A5 3 3 5 5 1V-R 6 7 – – V. new formula 1V-Am 3 6 2 5 1C-A 4 – – – M-I 4 4 4 5 M-A1 1 1 6 1 M-A2 2 2 6 2 M-A3 3 3 2 3 M-R1 1 1 1 1 V. new new new ? M-R2 2 2 8 2 V. new formula new ? M-R3 3 3 8 3 V. new formula new ? M-A4 4 4 8 4 M-A5 5 5 8 5 M-A6 6tr 6 2 6 M-R4 4 3 5 4 V. new formula new ? M-R5 5 5 6 5 V. new formula new ? M-R6 6 6 1 6 V. formula formula new ? M-A7 7 7 6 7 M-A8 8 8 1 8 M-A9 8 3 5 1 M-R7 7 7 8 7 V. formula formula new ? M-R8 8 8 6 8 V. formula formula new ? M-R9 5 1 6 5 311 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SNOJ Chant Hermagorae Quattuor Virginum Hellari Donati V. formula formula new ? L-A1 1 8 6 1 L-A2 8 1 5 2 L-A3 4 6 5 3 L-A4 7 3 5 4 L-A5 7 8 2 5 L-Ab ? 7 1 5 2V-Am – 5 3 6 Another common topic in the discussion of versified offices is the question of whether the verses of the responsories employ standard melodic formulas or are composed anew. There are again differences between the three offices: whereas in the office of the Four Virgins standard melodic formulas are present, and both standard formulas and new melodies in the office of St Hermagoras, the office of St Hellarus moves away completely from using old responsory verse melodies. In the office of St Hermagoras there are examples of verses that allude to the old formulas or in some other way disclose the connection to proper Gregorian melodies (marked dark grey in Table 7). It would be interesting to collect a greater number of mutations of this kind in Aquileian or other manuscripts and study the ways of transforming old melodies into seemingly quite new melodic creations.23 Because of the very nature of music, not all musical characteristics of single offices and the differences between them can be strictly delineated.24 Among various criteria by which melodies of late medieval offices can be analysed and assessed,25 there is also the relationship between the melody of a chant as a whole and its constituent parts: on the one hand, a melody can be conceived as a recognizable musical whole, whose constituent parts (phrases) assume quite definite and recognizable roles, while on the other hand it can be a loose/indeterminate succession of phrases, whose number and length depend primarily on the characteristics of the text. In this respect the melodies of the Aquileian offices move between two poles. On the one hand there are pieces such as the antiphon O quanta est from the office of Sts Hermachoras and 23. On the adaptations of this kind in the office of St Emmeram see Dobszay 1999, 105-106. 24. Dobszay, who systematized analytical methods for assessing new offices, was quite aware of this fact, as he wrote in the introduction to his analysis of the office of St Emmeram: “Jenseits davon ist jedoch ein bestimmtes Offizium auch durch feine, in die Sphäre des menschlichen Gehörs dringende Züge charakterisiert, die kaum in Worte gefasst werden können” (Dobszay 1999, 87). 25. For the characteristics of late offices and analytical approaches to their music see, among others, Hankeln 2001a, Dobszay 1999, and Hiley 1999. 312 – LATE LITURGICAL OFFICES IN AQUILEIAN MANUSCRIPTS Fortunatus (Example 1).26 Its phrases do not always appear distinctly delineated: sometimes it is not clear at which point a phrase ends and the next one begins; a phrase may seem to reach a cadential point, yet is extended to incorporate another couple of words. Often one has the impression that the melody moves up and down without a specific goal, and even that it is somehow lost. In some pieces of this kind it is difficult at times to grasp the musical sense of the whole. Several items of the office of Sts Hermagoras and Fortunatus are conceived in this way, and the characteristics described are certainly connected to the fact that the text of the office is in prose. Example 1. Historia SS. Hermachorae et Fortunati, In I. Vesperis Antiphona ad Magnificat Nearly all chants in the office of Sts Hellarus and Tatianus are quite different musically from the first example (see Example 2).27 The musical phrases almost always coincide with the verses. Moreover, at the ends of phrases (and verses) there is normally a cadence on one of the pivotal pitches of the mode. In this way strict parallelism between verse and music is achieved. It seems as if the verses somehow guide the composer from one cadential point to another, 26. Transcribed from the Antiphoner of Kranj, vol. 2, 77r. See note 6. 27. Transcribed from Go: B. For the critical edition see note 13. 313 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES until the melody reaches its final goal. Some of the chants conceived in this way have a distinctly non-Gregorian character and approach the character of song.28 Abounding in pieces of this sort, the whole office can be regarded as a clear manifestation of the ‘newer style of chant’ that developed and spread over Europe especially after the turn of the millenium.29 Marco Gozzi Università degli studi di Trento Research on historiae in Italy: desiderata and opportunities Example 2. Historia SS Hellari et Tatiani, In I. Vesperis, Antiphona III The Aquileian offices analyzed rudimentarily here differ in nearly every respect. There is nothing in them that would betray their having been created in the same historical environment, and the characteristics described above are certainly not unique to them. While this observation does not lead to any compelling conclusion regarding creativity in Aquileian ecclesiastical centres, it does indicate the vastness and complexity of the area of late medieval Latin liturgical poetry and music, suggesting that it consisted of a host of intermingling trends in versification and music. Describing and assessing them adequately is certainly one of the major tasks confronting chant scholarship. Primary sources (cf. note 6 and Tables 2 and 4) Gorizia, Biblioteca del Seminario Teologico Centrale [I-GO], Cod. A, Cod. B, Cod. C, Cod. D, Cod. L, Cod. s.n. [Go: A, Go: B, etc.]. Cividale, Museo Archeologico Nazionale [I-CFm], Cod. XXX, Cod. XXXIV, Cod. XLI, Cod. XLIV, Cod. XLVII, Cod. XLVIII, Cod. XLIX, LVII, LVIII, XCI [Civ: 30, Civ: 34, etc.]. Antiphoner of Kranj: Ljubljana, Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana [Archiepiscopal Archives Ljubljana], Rkp 18, Rkp 19; facsimile edition: Snoj and Gilányi 2007. 28. The prevalence of tritus chants in this office and the formulaic character of some melodies were commented upon by Boscolo 2003, 483-486, and Snoj 2003, xxII-xxIV. 29. 314 Dobszay and Szendrei 1999, vol. V/1, 25* (‘Introduction’). The aim of this paper is to outline possible future lines of research on historiae in Italy, that is, to define the method and the objectives of an Italian project that I hope will be put into effect over the next few years, involving colleagues and young researchers chosen for this purpose. The University of Trento, which over the last few years has expanded its musicology programme considerably and now offers a new intercollegiate Master’s degree in collaboration with the Free University of Bolzano (which it is hoped may be extended to include the University of Innsbruck), could spearhead a national project to be carried out in cooperation with all interested colleagues from other Italian and foreign universities. Trento, together with the Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi in Venice and with the Pontifical Institute of Sacred Music may therefore become and remain over time the driving force of this renewed interest in Italy in historiae and in liturgical sources studies in general. It is increasingly difficult in Italy to obtain public funding for music research studies, especially when these concern the Middle Ages, but the work continues despite the scarceness of resources. One example is the series Monumenta Liturgiae et Cantus, to which a sixth volume1 has just been added, and other volumes are in progress. The current state of the research on the Italian historiae shares the general situation and the needs already described by David Hiley in the Introduction to this volume. He alludes to the immense extent of the musical repertory, to the disparate research approaches and the different types of edition, and to some groups of historiae already published. Obviously, much remains to be done. The desiderata regarding the research on the Italian historiae may be summarized in order of priority, as follows: 1. Expert cataloguing of manuscript and printed liturgical books, with or without notation, that transmit historiae. The analysis should also be extended to include: (a) the offices composed after the fifteenth century, for example, of saints canonized in the 1500s and 1600s and often ignored in catalogues; (b) all the liturgical books (of the most different types) of the different religious 1. Gozzi 2012; Gozzi 2013; Torelli 2016; Brusa 2018; Gozzi and Rusconi 2019; Bee and Gozzi 2020. 315 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES orders and different dioceses, and unusual types of source such as hagiographic collections, calendars, scholarly history studies, etc.; (c) the supplements of manuscripts and printed books and the numerous existing fragments that have still not been catalogued but that may provide new information. a) relationship between the syntax of the text and the musical accent; b) words, syntax, verses, stanzas, etc. at the level of semi-phrases, phrases, periods ending with cadence, more or less long pauses, etc.; c) metric forms (synaloephas, diaeresis, enjambement, etc.) respected or not. 2. The most complete census possible of the historiae of all the patron saints (ancient and modern) of the Italian dioceses, towns, monasteries, and convents, in order to create a database containing all the chants used for the offices of the patron saints. Syllabic or melismatic elaboration (the melismas render the understanding of the text difficult). Highlighting of the portions of text repeated, refrains, and the particular emphases in a word or phrase. 3. Good modern editions of all the Italian historiae, with music notation. Printed editions, but also, and in particular, editions available on the web and, if possible, developed with computer programmes in open format, so that they can be shared across different music softwares (preferably using open-source and other systems that are known and structured, such as The Music Encoding Initiative – MEI) – <http://music-encoding.org/>). Editions should include music analyses and comparisons of variant musical readings. 4. Historical studies of the synodal acts and documents concerning the commissioning of the text and music of new historiae and/or concerning the recomposing of historiae regarded as obsolete. 5. Comparative analysis of the literary texts of the historiae: accurate study of the forms and metres (with identification of the rhythmic scanning of the verses); linguistic, lexical, phonetic, semantic, rhetorical and stylistic analyses, with the highlighting of micro and macro structures, parallelisms, iterations, symmetries and contrasts. The texts should merge in a full-text database that allows concordances to be identified and significant strings to be searched for in all the corpus, so that even fragments may be recognized. 6. Study of the notation in the historiae preserved with music (possible plicae, forms of cantus fractus, alphabet notations, stroke notation, etc.). 7. Analysis of the music text: form (open, with repetitions, outline of the individual verse phrases, etc.); mode (ambitus of the voices, repercussio, cadence, fidelity to the mode or digression); melodic analysis: pitch structure, type of scale used, preferred pitches, melody types, type of intervals used (extended, dissonant, by step); cadence analysis; rhythmic analysis: melodic accents, possible pauses; timbre and texture. Several other analyses may be carried out with the help of the computer. 8. Text-music relationship. Verification of the observance of the poetic micro and macro structures: 316 9. Comparison of the textual and musical structures and the style of the historiae (tenth to fifteenth centuries) with other contemporary monodic repertories with rhythmic text (Laude, Cantigas, Cansos, Chansons, Lieder, etc). 10. Study – wherever possible – of the performance practices in the historiae: ornamentation, improvisation, secundatio, rhythmicization, use of musical instruments, processional customs, etc. 11. Execution and recording of the transcribed historiae, by specialized groups, to be made available on the web for research and study use. I would like to stress the first, overriding necessity (point no.1 of the above list), which I believe to be the basis of all the subsequent work: the competent and complete cataloguing (hence with a detailed description of the contents, as done is the Cantus project <http://cantusindex.org/>) of Italian liturgical books containing historiae, both manuscripts and printed editions. The printed books – which, because of a certain cultural shortsightedness, are frequently excluded from the study – are also precious testimonies of traditions that are sometimes very ancient.2 There is still much to be done in this field. The cataloguing of Italian manuscripts has an important and glorious past, but it is mainly a matter of inventories, rather than actual cataloguing, starting from the important series coordinated by Giuseppe Mazzatinti entitled Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d’Italia (Inventories of the manuscripts of the libraries of Italy): 116 volumes, published between 1890 and 2013. The descriptions are very brief. Figure 1 shows an entry for a fifteenth-century breviary, obviously ‘Roman’, in the National Central Library of Florence; not surprisingly, we are not told which historiae it contains. 2. Fortunately, the text editions in Analecta Hymnica do take account of printed liturgical books. A database of the sources used in the historia editions of Analecta Hymnica is now available on line. <https://www.fondazionelevi.it/editoria/historiae/> 317 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES 7. Padova. Archivio di Stato, Archivio Papafava, Biblioteca Civica, Biblioteca del Seminario vescovile, 2003 8. Sicilia, 2003 9. Fondo Palatino della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, 2003 10. Biblioteca Braidense di Milano, 2004 11. Classense e delle altre biblioteche della provincia di Ravenna, 2004 12. Fondo Acquisti e Doni e dei fondi minori della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze, 2004 13. Provincia di Forlì-Cesena, 2006 14. Biblioteca Riccardiana di Firenze. III. Mss. 1401-2000, 2006 15. Provincia di Arezzo, 2007 16. Province di Grosseto, Livorno, Massa Carrara, Pistoia e Prato, 2007 17. Province di Frosinone, Rieti e Viterbo, 2007 18. Biblioteca Queriniana di Brescia, 2008 19. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze. 1. Plutei 12-34, 2008 20. Grottaferrata, Subiaco e Velletri, 2009 21. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze. III. Fondi Banco Rari, Landau Finaly, Landau Muzzioli, Nuove Accessioni, Palatino Capponi, Palatino Panciatichiano, Tordi, 2011 22. Archivio Storico Civico e biblioteca Trivulziana, 2011. Figure 1. From Giuseppe Mazzatinti, Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d’Italia, volume ottavo: Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Forlì, Bordandini, 1898, 56 The Iter Liturgicum Italicum by Giacomo Baroffio (2001) remains a very useful starting point for locating existing manuscripts, and has now been supplemented by the Index available on line at www.fondazionelevi.it/ricerca/historiaeitaliane/ . Recently, other important cataloguing projects of Italian manuscripts (not only liturgical) have been completed, or are in the process of completion: 1. MDI / Manoscritti Datati d’Italia <http://www.manoscrittidatati.it/mdi/index.php>. Dated manuscripts to the year 1500. Volumes published in Florence, SISMEL (Society for the Study of Medieval Latin) - Edizioni del Galluzzo. A list of the volumes of the series, inaugurated with the manuscripts of the province of Trento, is as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 318 Provincia di Trento, 1996 Biblioteca Riccardiana di Firenze. I. Mss. 1-1000, 1997 Biblioteca Riccardiana di Firenze. II. Mss. 1001-1400, 1999 Provincia di Vicenza e della Biblioteca Antoniana di Padova, 2000 Fondo Conventi Soppressi della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, 2002 Biblioteca civica “Angelo Mai” e delle altre biblioteche di Bergamo, 2003 2. The series SISMEL Manoscritti medievali (Medieval Manuscripts) (Collana ‘Biblioteche e Archivi’). The collection includes: I manoscritti medievali della Biblioteca capitolare feliniana di Lucca, ed. Gabriella Pomaro, 2015. I manoscritti medievali della provincia di Arezzo. Cortona, ed. Elisabetta Caldelli et al., 2011. I manoscritti medievali di Trento e provincia, ed. Adriana Paolini, 2010. I manoscritti medievali delle province di Belluno e Rovigo, ed. Nicoletta Giovè Marchioli and Leonardo Granata, 2010. I manoscritti medievali della biblioteca del convento francescano di San Fortunato di Todi, ed. Enrico Menestò, 2009. I manoscritti medievali della Biblioteca comunale “L. Leonii” di Todi, ed. Enrico Menestò et al., 2008. I manoscritti medievali di Vicenza e provincia, ed. N. Giovè Marchioli - L. Granata Martina Pantarotto, 2007. I manoscritti medievali della Biblioteca comunale di Trento, ed. Adriana Paolini, 2006. I manoscritti medievali della Biblioteca Città di Arezzo, ed. Giovanna Lazzi et al., 2003. I manoscritti medievali delle province di Grosseto, Livorno, Massa Carrara, ed. Sandro Bertelli et al., 2002. I manoscritti medievali di Padova e provincia, ed. Leonardo Granata and Nicoletta Giovè, 2002. I manoscritti medievali della provincia di Prato, ed. Simona Bianchi et al., 1999. I manoscritti medievali della provincia di Pistoia, ed. Giovanna Murano - G. Savino S. Zamponi, 1998. I manoscritti della biblioteca del Seminario vescovile di Padova, ed. Andrea Donello et al., 1998. 319 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES 2a. 2b. Figure 2 From I manoscritti medievali di Trento e provincia, ed. Adriana Paolini, 2010, a) p. 84 and b) Plate LI 320 321 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3. Trento, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 80, fols. 34v-35r 322 323 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI Unfortunately, these very praiseworthy volumes have one considerable defect: the liturgical manuscripts and, even more so, the liturgical-musical ones are often described without the least awareness of their proper nature; sometimes mistakes are made regarding their classification (type of service book), and there are obvious errors and omissions. As an example Figure 2 is taken from the volume I manoscritti medievali di Trento e provincia (The medieval manuscripts of the city and province of Trento) of 2010: n. 53 is the profile of a composite manuscript of Officia sanctorum which, for the description, draws upon Fortunato Turrini’s catalogue of 2001, which is unfortunately full of errors. I have already pointed out in a review (2003b) that I did not intend to criticize the author, but to warn librarians not to use that information. The description of the manuscript in Figure 2a (p. 320) refers to square notation (“notazione musicale quadrata”), but this is not correct. The title Breviarium is misleading; Officia sanctorum would have been better or – if one wants to follow the uniform title system proposed by the IFLA (International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions)3 – Antiphonale Officii (with a list at least of the saints not included in the Roman calendar of the 1400s and specifying of the incipits of the chants with notation). In our discipline there are plenty of experts who would be willing to help and give their opinions. Why are specialists consulted about the miniatures, yet musicologists are not asked for their opinion when notation is present? The page reproduced in the volume (Table LI, see Figure 2b p. 321) contains three antiphons with notation from the office In Assumptione Beatae Mariae Virginis (15 August). Looking at the only page reproduced, it would seem that the antiphons for the Lauds are (after Assumpta est and Maria Virgo): Benedicta filia, Pulchra es, and In odorem unguentorum. Yet if we look at the complete opening (Figure 3 pp. 322-323), we can clearly see that the copyist mistakenly failed to conclude the antiphon In odorem unguentorum on fol. 34v, and therefore recopied it in full on the opposite page at the end of the series. Compared with the nevertheless praiseworthy series of SISMEL, the series La tradizione musicale (Florence: Galluzzo) has examples of more detailed and precise manuscript descritions, for instance the monograph dedicated to the historia of St Donatus (patron saint of Arezzo) by Giovanni Alpigiano and Pierluigi Licciardello, published in 2008.4 Unfortunately in these catalogues liturgical books, and particularly the liturgicalmusical books, are often poorly described, so that one finds graduals called antiphonaries and other such errors. There are, obviously, many other catalogues and inventories of Italian liturgical manuscripts, compiled for individual libraries, or museums, or the collections of particular region. Several are dedicated solely to illuminated manuscripts. 3. List of Uniform Titles <http://archive.ifla.org/VI/3/pubs/unititles.htm>. 4. See further the essay by Benjamin Brand in the present volume. 324 – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES A brief summary now follows of information about Italian manuscripts that can be consulted online. Project Manus online: a census of the manuscripts of Italian libraries. <http://manus.iccu.sbn.it/> Not many codices have been described so far, but the database is growing. Here too, the quality of the manuscript profile depends very much on the knowledge of the cataloguer. In order to look for historiae, one has to look for ‘officium’ and ‘officia’ on the Ricerca//semplice (simple search) screen; the first search provides 535 results, the second 87 (but, of course, not all the items pertain to historiae). Project Codex: inventory of the medieval manuscripts of Tuscany. <http://www406.regione.toscana.it/bancadati/codex/> In 1992 the region of Tuscany launched the computerized cataloguing of medieval manuscripts (that is, dated or dateable before the year 1500) present in its area. The project, completed in 2013, involved all the libraries in Tuscany, except for the state libraries, and all the other possible conservation centres: state and municipal archives, ecclesiastical chapter libraries and archives, monasteries, convents, churches, episcopal seminaries, academies and similar cultural institutions, museums. Wherever possible, privately owned manuscripts were also catalogued. The coordination of the cataloguing process and the scientific management of the project were assigned to SISMEL, <http://www.sismelfirenze.it/>, which was responsible for the database and the printed publication of the research results in the Collana Biblioteche e archivi (library and archive series) (SISMEL - Edizioni di Galluzzo). The web publication of the database was carried out by the Scuola Normale Superiore in Pisa. There are also two to three colour images of many of the manuscripts and these are very useful for taking in at a glance the characteristics of the codex and for integrating the information in the description. Nuova Biblioteca Manoscritta: catalogue of the manuscripts of the libraries of the Veneto region. <http://www.nuovabibliotecamanoscritta.it/> Nuova Biblioteca Manoscritta (NBM) is the online publication of the cataloguing project of the manuscripts of the libraries of the Veneto region 325 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES and the software for their description. It contains information on the libraries taking part in the project and the material for the study of, and research on, the manuscripts. NBM is supported and financed by the Veneto Region, in collaboration with the Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici of the University Ca’ Foscari in Venice. It contains mainly the profiles concerning liturgical codices of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries. Unfortunately, the descriptions are often brief, without images and thus require a visit to the library to check for offices which may be present. Not even the digitalizing projects complete with manuscripts and editions (with images uploaded to the web) help very much (for example: Florence, the liturgical books of the Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore <https://operaduomo. firenze.it/archivio/risorse-digitali>, because the accompanying metadata that can be searched are very often insufficient for identifying particular chants. Thus researchers looking for historiae must leaf through the whole book and find the treasure for themselves. This is perhaps more enjoyable, but it is somewhat laborious. With regard to printed books, it will suffice to show two German and one Italian incunabula, showing parts of the offices of Sts Joachim, Joseph, Anna, Maria Jacobi et Maria Salome (Figure 4), the office of the Compassion of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Figure 5 p. 328), and the office of St Homobonus of Cremona (Figure 6 p. 329). In Italy, too, booklets were printed with the texts of offices for the saints: usually single offices, or saints for single dioceses or single religious orders. A search for sixteenth-century publications with the word ‘Officia’ (plural!) in the title in EDIT 16, the Censimento nazionale delle edizioni italiane del XVI secolo (National Census of Italian Editions of the Sixteenth Century), whose aim is to document the printed Italian production of the sixteenth century and to carry out recognition of the examples at a national level <http://edit16. iccu.sbn.it/web_iccu/imain.htm>, produces a list of 124 Italian editions of the sixteenth century containing multiple offices. As an example, Figure 7 (p. 330) shows the proper office of St Vigilius of Trent, printed in 1588. Officia propria sancti Vigilii episcopi et b. Simonis Innocentis martyrum ac sanctae Massentiae viduae ab omnibus ecclesiasticis in Tridentina diocesi statutis diebus recitanda, Trento, Giovanni Battista and Giacomo Gelmini de Sabbio, 1588.5 5. 326 Cf. the edition by Gabrielli 2015c (Historiae 24). Figure 4 SIxtuS IV, Officium de sanctis Joachim, Joseph, Anna, Maria Jacobi et Maria Salome, Nürnberg, after 29 September 1482 (D-Mbs 4 Inc.s.a. 1029)6 6. <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00039983/images/index.html?seite=00001&l=de>. 327 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI Figure 5 Officium de compassione beatae Mariae virginis, Ulm 1497 (D-Mbs 4 Inc.s.a. 1028)7 Figure 6 Officium Sancti Homoboni, Cremona, Carolus de Darleriis, ca. 1495 (accessible on line from the project Gallica, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France)8 7. 328 <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00030295/images/index.html?seite=00001&l=de>. – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES 8. <http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k58703w>. 329 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES GOZZI – RESEARCH ON HISTORIAE IN ITALY: DESIDERATA AND OPPORTUNITIES The search for the word ‘officium’ turns up no less than 300 editions, including, for example, the Officium de sanctis Ruffino et Cesidio atque aliis socijs, in Transaquis quiescientium [!], Rome, Antonio Blado, 1552 (a copy may be found in the Vallicelliana Library in Rome). From these few examples one can appreciate the need to consider also the late historiae, which reveal much regarding the style and the history of the composition of the plainsong from the 1400s onwards; a good example is the Recollectio festorum beate Marie Virginis by Guillaume Du Fay, studied by Barbara Haggh.9 In this case, too, it is most important to consult the printed editions. Regarding the importance of the prints for collecting data on the history of the historiae, I would like to stress Barbara Haggh’s important assertion: Taken together, the prints provide abundant evidence of how their medium transformed the celebration. Three examples are especially revealing. First, printing fixed and often abbreviated formerly variable titles of the feast. Second, printing introduced the feast into books following usages to which the feast did not belong. Third, printing fixed aspects of the performance of the texts and chant that had not been recorded in the manuscripts. Yet at the same time, printing facilitated the survival of pre-Tridentine material, frozen in the midst of a changing frame of reference (Haggh 1999, 73). Figure 7 Officia propria sancti Vigilii episcopi et b. Simonis Innocentis martyrum ac sanctae Massentiae viduae ab omnibus ecclesiasticis in Tridentina dioecesi statutis diebus recitanda, Trento, Giovanni Battista e Giacomo Gelmini de Sabbio, 1588 330 It is – still – important not to neglect the single dioceses, the great Roman churches and the individual religious orders, both male and female; finally, manuscript supplements and fragments that have not yet been catalogued, especially those in the State Archives, should not be overlooked. We know that many books have been lost, especially the most ancient manuscripts with notation. In order to reconstruct what really existed, we should therefore use the assistance of point no. 2 on the list above, concerning the retrieval at least of the names of Italian saints that have their own office and – where possible – the list of the chants used, for inclusion in a database that catalogues the texts of the chants. It is important to bear in mind that the patron saints of places do not remain the same through the centuries, meaning that for each place there may be two or three different saints with their own historiae; moreover, in many places, the texts and the melodies of the offices of the saints were recomposed ex novo after the Council of Trent, so that in the modern liturgical books we find only the latest versions, whereas a historia may change over time and even from place to place. The last urgent need for the study of historiae (point no. 3) is to make available good modern editions of all the Italian historiae, together with musical notation. These may be print editions, of course, but editions available on the web are 9. Haggh 1990a, 1990b, 1996a, 1999, 2000a, 2008. A complete edition is in preparation. 331 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES increasingly important. The world has changed. For those working in the area it is vital to have good editions accessible on the web, preferably developed with computer systems in open format that can be shared for use with differing music software. Hence, the aim should be to have not only pdf files which reproduce the print editions, but also files that use open-source programmes, based on already structured projects, such as The Music Encoding Initiative – MEI <http://music-encoding.org/>, which have tools that allow the analysis and comparison of the musical readings, as well as the possibility of accessing rapidly the lessons of any codex or edition in the case of historiae transmitted in several different versions. Point no. 4 concerns the reconstruction of the historical and also the historicalmusical context in which the historiae came into being. This is very important and not always easy to study, not even in the case of the famous rhymed offices of Julian of Speyer for St Francis and St Anthony. The other points listed above concern the full range of studies that may be carried out once we have at our disposal good modern contextualized editions of the historiae, from the in-depth analysis of both the literary and the musical text, in order to be able to explore the text-music aspect and other stylistic features, also in comparison with other monodic repertoires. Finally, there remains the task of bringing the sound of these chants to life and analysing the liturgical practice in which they were embedded through the different ages of their existence. There is much to be done. Let us hope that a generation of younger scholars will develop a passion for the historiae, and explore the paths we have attempted to set out above. Cesarino Ruini Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna The offices of Saints Adalbert, Hedwig, and Stanislaus in Trent: a history of exclusion The creation of the prince-bishopric of Trent just after the year 1000 confirmed the special attention of the German emperors that the city had enjoyed and was to continue to enjoy in the following centuries. This act reinforced the conditions for the close dependence of Trentino on the Germanic world, which Otto I had designed by annexing it, together with Verona, first to the Duchy of Bavaria (952) and then to the Duchy of Carinthia (976), with a view to safeguarding control of the Alpine passes, so as to ensure easy access to the Po valley (Kögl 1964, 43). Among the implications of this policy for local culture, cultic and liturgical aspects play an important role. The Sacramentarium Udalricianum,1 which owes its name to the first bishop of Trent, whose investiture was decided by the temporal power, Udalrico II (10221055), is an excellent example of these influences. On the one hand, through Udalrico (Ulrich), new saints – Bishop Ulrich of Augsburg, Bishop Willibald of Eichstätt, St Benedict the abbot, Bishop Martin of Tours, St Gall the monk, St Columban the abbot, the martyr Afra, Walburga, Bridget, Gertrude, and Odile – all join the Tridentine sanctoral cycle or are still remembered in the liturgy alongside the local patron saints. On the other hand, the Udalricianum contains a ‘diptych’ with the names of the deceased to be remembered in the Canon of the Mass, which adds an interesting list of rulers, nobles, and laymen to the bishops and clergy from Trent and neighbouring dioceses. All of them were presumably benefactors bound to Trent by a special, spiritual relationship. The genesis of the list is probably related to the burial of a young member of the imperial family, Duke Herman IV of Swabia, which took place in the cathedral in early August 1038. This shows the special relationship between the church in Trent and the imperial family and its moral influence in the diocese (cf. Rogger 1983b). Among the consequences of such a special relationship, which is indicative of a unique bond of trust, is the fact that until the time of Federico Vanga the bishops of Trent held the office of missus dominicus, chancellor or imperial vicar for Italy almost continuously for two centuries. 1. Trento, Museo Provinciale d’Arte (Castello del Buonconsiglio) [I-TRbc], 1587/a (olim Cod. Vind. 15465). Cf. Dell’Oro 1987a [study] and 1987b [edition]. 332 333 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RUINI These relations with Germany were confirmed when, under Bishop Adelpreto II (1156-1172) the liturgical library of the cathedral was enriched with the addition of a new sacramentary, now known as the “Adelpretiano”2 after the bishop himself. The data that emerges from the analysis of its Sanctorale matches exactly our historical knowledge of the political and religious relations between Regensburg and the Principality of Trent: in 1156 Bishop Adelpreto was present at the diet of Regensburg, where the question of Bavaria was settled and the Duchy of Austria was created (Rogger 1983b). This Sanctorale contains an original form of the mass and, alongside the patron saints of Trent, it includes the martyr St Emmeram of Regensburg among the litanies for Holy Saturday. The oldest musical witness to the office of St Vigilio, the patron saint of Trent and its cathedral, dates back to the period of Bishop Altemanno (1124-1149). It is a parchment sheet from the middle of the twelfth century found in the City Archives of Bressanone, which was detached from the cover of a Registrum Sancti Michaelis of 1444.3 Altemanno was the first Bishop of Trent to be chosen using the system of canonical elections established by the Treaty of Worms in 1122 at the end of the investiture controversy with the form prescribed for the kingdom of Germany. It seems natural, therefore, to notice the influence of his acceptance of specific elements of Gregorian Reform in some aspects of his pastoral ministry.4 For example, his renewed interest in the cult of local saints – a vital ideological factor for the promotion of civic identity and the unity of all the forces active in the city – derived, without doubt, from the need to consolidate the independence and freedom of the local Church. It is not surprising that an aspect of this was the recovery of old – or the introduction of new – offices. While the thirteenth century saw the construction of the magnificent cathedral in its present form, it also marked the beginning of a progressive deterioration of government by the bishop. The Emperor Fredrick II’s policy had fatal consequences for peace in Trentino. In 1236 he entrusted the principality to a secular mayor, thereby humiliating the bishop, Aldrighetto Campo, and in 1239 he united it with the March of Treviso, virtually handing it over to Ezzelino da Romano. This already complex situation was further complicated by the expansionist ambitions of Count Albert III of Tyrol. As he was appointed advocate of the Church in Trent, he took advantage of the benefits deriving from his position to extend gradually from the north the domination of what in theory it was his job to defend as advocate. This started a centuries-long feud between the families of the counts of Tyrol and the Bishop of Trent – a story of extortion, oppression and violence.5 Not until the first half of the fifteenth century is it possible to construct a complete documentation of the musical repertoire used during the daily celebration of Mass and Office for the entire liturgical year in the cathedral of Trent. The set of nine graduals and illuminated antiphonaries produced at that time is now kept in the Chapter Library and in the Diocesan Museum of the city.6 The repertoire found in this series belongs to the tradition classified as ‘secundum consuetudinem Curiae Romanae’, which developed in the wake of the liturgical reform of Pope Innocent III. It was accepted by the Franciscans, who were instrumental in spreading it across much of Europe at the expense of various local traditions. Their liturgical books, also called ‘RomanFranciscan’ (giving them an air of catholicity), in which the repertoire known as ‘Gregorian chant’ was by now well established, became the model for choir books of all ecclesiastical institutions.7 This also happened in Trent: as well as including the Roman repertory, the liturgical choir books of the cathedral also reveal artistic influences from the Veneto area. In other words, in this period Trent liturgical books record a radical change of direction in the origin of their cultural influences. Several factors explain this change. The main reason was the altered function of the Adige Valley: from being the imperial road to Italy, it had gradually assumed a unique role as the main channel of trade between the Veneto and Po Valley cities and Germany, even though the Tyrolean counts to the north did their utmost to hinder the economy of Trent. Moreover, in the second half of the fourteenth century the bishopric was governed by bishops who were subservient to the Habsburgs’ goals. The bishops were in fact elected and imposed by the Habsburgs, for example Alberto di Ortenburg (1363-1390), or they were in direct conflict with the powerful family, and therefore forced to spend long periods in exile.8 For this reason, it became standard practice to arrange for suffragan bishops, often chosen from among the members of the Franciscan Order, to look after the spiritual needs of the diocese. In actual fact, four Friars Minor were delegated to that office between 1350 and 1450.9 2. A-Wn, ser. nova 206; cf. Dell’Oro 1987c [study], and 1987d [edition]. 3. Trento, Archivio di Stato, Archivio del Principato vescovile [I-TRa], Atti trentini, Serie documenti miscellanei, mazzo D 10: Copertina in pergamena con note musicali. Cf. Ciccolini 1933. 4. 334 Cf. Rogger 1983b, 59-64. 5. – THE OFFICES OF SAINTS ADALBERT, HEDWIG, AND STANISLAUS IN TRENT Cf. Kögl 1964, 41-109. 6. The nine manuscripts, marked with the letters from A to I fixed on the cover, are summarily described by Casagrande 1908, 20-27, where they are identified by the numbers 22 to 30. 7. The question of the formation and dissemination of the liturgy of the Roman Curia is dealt with in the fundamental work of Van Dijk and Walker 1960. 8. Cf. Costa 1977, 105-116. 9. Cf. Weber 1932, 27-68. 335 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES RUINI This is the context into which we may now place the story of three offices complete with prayers, lessons, antiphons, responsories and chants of the mass, in German notation. They are contained in a manuscript in Trent Municipal Library:10 two of the offices, those for St Stanislaus, Bishop of Kraków,11 and St Hedwig of Silesia,12 are rhythmical; the third, in honour of St Adalbert of Bohemia, is in prose.13 A long note at the end of the manuscript added by Bishop Johannes Hinderbach (1465-1486) informs us that the preparation of these offices was the result of the efforts of two bishops of Trent, Alexander of Masovia (1423-1444) and Georg Hack (1446-1465), who tried to impose the cult of the patron saints of their homelands in the diocese. The codex consists of fifty pages measuring 33 × 24 cm and is written using typical ‘textualis gothica formata’ script with German musical notation (commonly referred to as ‘Hufnagelschrift’ or horseshoe nail script). Its characteristics are those of a libellus used to contain tracts or short treatises, which was widely used for many centuries in the field of liturgy for the transmission of feasts or special rituals including the local offices of saints. The latter is the case of the manuscript in question. The first part (fols. 1-20), with the offices of Stanislaus and Adalbert, was written before 1444 by order of Alexander of Mazovia. In 1474 Johannes Hinderbach commissioned Martin Rautenstock of Kempten to add the office of St Hedwig to the first two quinternions, transcribing it from a paper copy brought from Silesia by his predecessor Georg Hack, and ordered that these offices be celebrated every year “saltem a clero in divinis laudibus et horis canonicis”. These historiae, however, did not gain acceptance, and Hinderbach was forced to acknowledge that “negligentia eorum qui choro ecclesie presunt, intermisse sunt et minime decantate”.14 There can be no doubt that the opinion of the humanist bishop was excessively benevolent. Taking into account what we know of the relations between Alexander of Mazovia and the citizens of Trent, it would seem more realistic to use the term ‘boycott’ rather than ‘negligence’. On the one hand, the prelate did not conceal his aversion to the city and its inhabitants; on the other, the different social groups in Trent were just as hostile to the bishop for a number of reasons. The main motive for the resentment of the subjects against the prince-bishop was the fact that he was a foreigner surrounded by fellow countrymen who were entrusted with important positions in the Church and the administration of the state, to the detriment of the people of Trent. Secondly, he favoured the Jews by raising the monthly rate of interest they could charge on loans. Finally, he aroused the opposition of the Tyroleans, even those sections of the population whose fortunes depended on mercantile activity. In order to oppose the rebellious bishop, the Habsburgs appear to have organized a sort of boycott north of the principality, which indirectly jeopardized the activity of the city authorities (Woś 1990). These reasons may well be enough to justify the discontent against the Polish prelate and the saints who were dear to him. This history of exclusion forms a significant contrast to the treatment given to the rhythmical offices of St Catherine of Alexandria and St Margaret of Antioch (probably recent compositions)15 added in 1518 by a certain Paolo of the Order of the Minori Osservanti, in fols. 114-127 of antiphonary F of the cathedral.16 A further addition to the choir books, which reflects the consequences of a crime, is even more significant. The murder of a child, Simone Unferdorben, which took place in Trent on 23 March 1475 gave rise to a cult that spread amazingly quickly – in the wake of the trial of Jews accused of ritual infanticide – and it also became popular in southern Germany (Dormeier 1984, 347): Bishop Johannes Hinderbach immediately had a special chapel erected for the child next to St Peter’s church. If for the moment it is necessary to gloss over the economic and social factors that may have helped to strengthen the antisemitic prejudice and hatred against the Jews during the intricate and contested trial, it is appropriate to point out that the growth in veneration for the Blessed Simonino resulted in the granting of a celebration of the office by Pope Sixtus V on 8 June 1588. The edition, which was immediately printed,17 provided an opportunity also to include new offices for St Vigilio and St Massenza, which should be seen as part of the activity of harmonization of the service with the requirements of the Council of Trent. 10. Trento, Biblioteca Comunale [I-TRc], W 1795. Beside the offices, three sequences are also found among the chants of the Proper of the Mass in the manuscript: Omnes odos nunc melodos for St Stanislaus (published in Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi [AH], vol. 9, no. 342, p. 252, on the basis of fifteenth-century manuscripts of Kraków Chapter Library); Consurgat in preconia, for St Adalbert (AH 37, no. 102, p. 96, of which the Trento manuscript is the only source!); and Consurge iubilans / Vox, for St Hedwig (AH 37, no. 201, p. 178, known from sources from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries from the southeastern area of Germany). 11. Fols. 1r-11v of the manuscript: this is the office Dies adest celebris (AH 5, no. 81, pp. 223-226); ed. Kubieniec 2015. 12. Fols. 21r-35r of the manuscript: this is the office Laetare Germania / Quae de stirpe regia (AH 26, no. 28, pp. 79-83). 13. Fols. 12r-20v of the manuscript: it begins with the words Ad festa preciosi martiris Christi Adalberti Katholica plebs devota concurrat […]. 14. A detailed description of the manuscript and the transcription of Hinderbach’s annotations are found in Leonardelli 1989, 56-60. 336 – THE OFFICES OF SAINTS ADALBERT, HEDWIG, AND STANISLAUS IN TRENT 15. For this version of St Catherine’s office, beginning with the words Ave gemma claritatis / Ad instar carbunculi see AH 26, pp. 202 and 212-215; for the St Margaret office beginning with the words, Magnificemus dominum / Salvatorem omnium, see AH 28, no. 3, pp. 17-19. 16. Trento, Archivio Capitolare [I-TRcap], ms. 61: Redditio rationum fabrice Sancti Vigilii ab anno 1517 usque ad annum 1521, fol. 23r, on 11 February 1518: “Item pro datis fratri paulo de observantia qui notavit officium Scte Margarete et Katerine et missam pro peste et nonnulla alia in libris chori”. 17. Officia propria Sancti Vigilii Episcopi, et B. Simonis Innocentis Martyrum, ac Sanctae Maxentiae Viduae, ab omnibus Ecclesiasticis in Tridentina Dioecesi statutis diebus recitanda […], Trento: Giovanni Battista e Giacomo Gelmini, 1588. 337 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES At a local level, this was carried out with particular zeal by Cardinal Ludovico Madruzzo (1567-1600) (Costa 1977, 162). The newly instituted office for Simonino and those for Vigilio and Massenza (together with the masses in their honour, which were reworked ex novo at that time) had in the meantime been copied into the cathedral choirbooks, replacing the previous ones, of which no trace remains. The friar in charge of copying the new office – whose text differs from the traditional biographical form in favour of a more ascetic vision of the patron saint of Trent’s life – indicated in an illuminated letter that he had carried out the task in 1584.18 On the other hand, the office of the Blessed Simonino, added to the other part of the same antiphonary, is the work of the very accurate hand of an unknown copyist probably from the same period. Gionata Brusa, University of Würzburg Giulia Gabrielli, Libera Università di Bolzano Historiae in the South Tyrol: competing influences and historical developments in local chant composition Part I: Sources and tradition Historical background This joint paper aims to give an overview of the Sanctorale of the Diocese of Bressanone/Brixen, the main religious and cultural entity of the Alto Adige-Südtirol region.1 Until 1921 the city of Bressanone was the see of a large diocese straddling the Alps, including not only South but also part of North Tyrol, along the river Inn. Brixen became the ecclesiastical centre of this large territory during the tenth century, certainly from 990, when the episcopal see was moved there from Sabiona/Säben, a bishopric whose origin remains obscure. The diocese of Sabiona, originally annexed to the Patriarchate of Aquileia, was incorporated in the new metropolitan see of Salzburg in 798. From the late tenth century donations made by the German Emperors to the bishops of Sabiona (and then to Bressanone) increased the bishops’ secular power, complementing the spiritual authority they already enjoyed. As a matter of fact the bishops used to affirm their supremacy indirectly by disguising it as a desire for liturgical uniformity within the diocese.2 The first part of the paper presents an overview of the diocesan Sanctorale (see Table 1 p. 340), while the second part focuses its attention on the proper offices of the patron saints of the diocese, Cassian and the pair Ingenuin and Albuin. The sources: the manuscripts and the printed breviary of Bressanone Establishing the development of the repertory of the historiae in South Tyrol is not easy. The first problem is the lack of sources for the office. The oldest manuscript we can assign to Bressanone with certainty is the Liber Ordinarius of the Cathedral, written in the first half of the thirteenth century. Unfortunately, the condition of the manuscript is not good and the text is incomplete, 1. Gionata Brusa is author of the first part of the paper (Sources and tradition), Giulia Gabrielli of the second part (The local offices). 18. 338 I-TRcap F, fol. 103r: “Frater Ioannes Baptista minic. vicentinus scribebat M.D.L.XXXIIII”. 2. The bibliography on the medieval history of the Alto Adige is very large. Among the more recent contributions, Albertoni 1996 and Curzel 2014 may be mentioned. For information about the history and the patrons of the diocese of Sabiona/Bressanone see especially the publications by Josef Gelmi (2001, 2005, 2006). 339 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL BREs T 2 RoA 434 Table 1. Historiae in ‘Tyrolean’ sources Feast Date LMLO SCan 10 Bolz 147 BREs E 22 BREs T 1 BREs T 3 Barbara 04.XII BA40 Conceptio BMV 08.XII YC51 = 08.XII YC52 Ingenuinus & Albuinus 05.II Dorothea 06.II DO81 Gregorius papa 12.III GR31 Rupertus ep. 27.III Lancea Domini T.P. XL11 + Achacius 22.VI AC53 + Visitatio BMV 02.VII YV42 Henricus 13.VII HE92 Margareta 20.VII MD33 Iacobus ap. 25.VII IA12 Ioachim et Anna 25.VII IO11 Transfiguratio 06.VIII + + + + Afra 07.VIII + + + + Cassianus 13.VIII + + + + + Augustinus 28.VIII + + + + + Transl. Augustini 11.X Edwigis 16.X HE01 Elizabeth 19.XI EL61 Catherina 25.XI CB24 + BREs T 4 Inn 610 + + + + Inn 734 Inn 762 Brev. 1489 Nov 15063 + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + s + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + s = second layer 340 341 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI as it suffers from two considerable lacunae and ends abruptly with the feast of St Peter’s Chains. Hence almost the whole Sanctorale is now lost. From the thirteenth century we then have to take a leap into the fifteenth century, where sources are generally more abundant. Nine breviaries from this century survive, all of which contain proper offices, except for manuscript E 21 of the Biblioteca del Seminario of Brixen. Last but not least, the main source for the office must be mentioned: the Psalterium et Breviarium iuxta chorum ecclesiae Brixinensis, an incunabulum published at Augsburg in 1489. This breviary (with its companion book for the Mass, the printed Missale of 1493) was prepared within a general programme of liturgical renovation and uniformity, which was promoted in the later Middle Ages by all Southern German dioceses. The notion of uniformity presupposes a previous, less uniform stage, which constitutes the second methodological problem we encounter when we approach the medieval sources of Bressanone: they are the product of changing historical circumstances. Manuscripts are the mirror of history and the institutions for which they were written, and they silently reflect both the religious and political changes that occurred. This is particularly clear for the liturgical manuscripts of Tyrol. In the course of research on the sources preserved in Bressanone, Novacella/Neustift, San Candido/Innichen, and Innsbruck, it has been possible to determine a common liturgical substratum (represented by the presence of the proper office of the patron saints Ingenuin and Albuin). Within the diocese, this repertoire shares some local variants characterized by a different choice and perception of the proper offices of saints. The saints typical of the diocese and the sources of their offices are listed below. The survey proceeds by area, beginning with Bressanone and continuing with the valley of the Inn in North Tyrol, then the Val Pusteria or Pustertal and Novacella in South Tyrol. Printed sources and a fragment are then listed. (nos. 3-7).4 These small books are all in some way connected to a personality (copyist or owner) related to ecclesiastical centre of Bressanone (bishops or canons of the Dom or St Mary “im Kreuzgang”), and they were probably used for private devotion. Bressanone The episcopal centre of Bressanone is the cathedral, the “Dom”, a complex surrounded by the lady chapels of the Blessed Mary and St John, and the parish of Saint Michael.3 The oldest source of the liturgy in Brixen (first half of the thirteenth century) is the Liber Ordinarius (no. 1 in the list of sources below): it was certainly written for the cathedral, since it names many “stationes” related to the city. It is also the oldest testimony of the proper office for the patrons Ingenuin and Albuin. The core of the episcopal liturgy of the Hours is transmitted by five breviaries, all preserved at the Biblioteca del Seminario 342 On Bressanone Cathedral in all its aspects see the exhaustive volume by Tavernier 1996. HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Sources 1) San Candido, Biblioteca della Collegiata, VII A 10, fols. 28r-49v (= SCan 10) Liber Ordinarius Brixinensis Ecclesiae, second quarter of the thirteenth century. fol. 37r fol. 37v fol. 48v Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores vestri) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17). The incipits of the antiphons and responsories were added during the late thirteenth century, previous ones taken from the Commune virginum having been deleted. 2) Bolzano, Archivio di Stato, Principato vescovile di Bressanone, Archivio vescovile, Cod. 147, fols. 28r-36r (= Bolz 147) Ufficia sanctorum, beginning of the fourteenth century.5 fol. 28r fol. 31v fol. 34r Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores vestri) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17) 3) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, E 22 (= BREs E 22) Breviary (pars aestivalis, second half of the century), according to Hermann written for the bishop of Brixen Johannes Röttel (1444-1450) or Nikolaus Cusanus (1444-145).6 fol. 123v fol. 204v fol. 219v fol. 233v fol. 241r fol. 253v fol. 257v fol. 378r fol. 388r Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17) Ioachim et Anna (LMLO IO11 = AH 26, no. 48, p. 139) Transfiguratio Domini (1V-A1: Iesus ad discipulos) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Cassianus (1V-A1: Beatus Cassianus sacerdos) Augustinus (1V-A1: Laetare mater nostra) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) 4. The medieval manuscripts in Bressanone and Novacella are currently being catalogued. I am most grateful to Dr. Ursula Stampfer for having allowed me to consult individual descriptions, which form the basis of the notices given here. 5. 3. – Gabrielli 2015b, 5-8. 6. Hermann 1905, 32, no. 32; Gozzi 2001, 549; Stampfer, Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften in der Priesterseminarbibliothek Brixen (forthcoming). 343 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI 4) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 1 (= BREs T 1) 6) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 3 (= BREs T 3) Breviary (pars aestivalis), middle of the fifteenth century.7 fol. 218r fol. 251v fol. 257r fol. 268r fol. 288r fol. 354v fol. 364r fol. 234v fol. 239r fol. 295r fol. 304r fol. 306v fol. 311v fol. 318r fol. 337v fol. 341r 5) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 2 (= BREs T 2) fol. 262v fol. 288r fol. 290v fol. 297v fol. 247v fol. 398r fol. 410r fol. 420v fol. 422r fol. 429v fol. 437v fol. 441r fol. 447r fol. 461v fol. 494r fol. 513r fol. 518r Barbara (LMLO BA40 = AH 25, no. 42, p. 116) Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores vestri) Dorothea (LMLO DO81 = AH 5, no. 56, p. 163) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Lancea Domini (LMLO XL 11) Achacius (LMLO AC53 = AH 5, no. 98, p. 91) Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17) Henricus (LMLO HE92) Ioachim et Anna (LMLO IO11 = AH 26, no. 48, p. 139) Transfiguratio Domini (1V-A1: Iesus ad discipulos) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Cassianus (1V-A1: Beatus Cassianus sacerdos) Augustinus (1V-A1: Laetare mater nostra) Edwigis (LMLO HE01 = AH 26, no. 38, p. 79) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Breviary, written about 1480 by Erasmus Punginger aus Burghausen, since the 1485 documented as canon of St. Mary im Kreuzgang in Bressanone.9 Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Transfiguratio Domini (1V-A1: Iesus ad discipulos) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Cassianus (1V-A1: Beatus Cassianus sacerdos) Augustinus (1V-A1: Laetare mater nostra) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) Breviary, second half of the fifteenth century. According to the emblem in possesion of Konrad Wenger von Immenstadt, from the 1477 canon of the Dom.8 It is the source with the largest number of proper offices in the diocese. – Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Transfiguratio Domini (1V-A1: Iesus ad discipulos) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Cassianus (1V-A1: Beatus Cassianus sacerdos) Augustinus (1V-A1: Laetare mater nostra) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) 7) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 4 (= BREs T 4) Breviary, middle of the fifteenth century, in possession of Melchior von Meckau, bishop of Bressanone.10 fol. 395r fol. 405r Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores vestri) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) 7bis) Roma, Biblioteca Angelica, MS 434 (= RoA 434) Breviary (pars hiemalis), 15th century, Bressanone, later Chur. fol. 137r fol. 144v fol. 238v fol. 241v fol. 249r fol. 332r Barbara (LMLO BA40 = AH 25, no. 42, p. 116) Conceptio BMV (LMLO YC 51 = AH 5, no. 12, p. 47) Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores) Dorothea (LMLO DO81 = AH 5, no. 56, p. 163) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Lancea Domini (LMLO XL 11) The Inntal The Inntal, the valley beyond the Brennero/Brenner along the river Inn, was donated in 1027 by the Emperor Konrad II to Hartwig, bishop of Bressanone.11 At the Landesbibliothek in Innsbruck, I examined two small breviaries that probably 9. Hermann 1905, 39, no. 41; Gozzi 2001, 549; Stampfer, ibidem. 7. Hermann 1905, 38, no. 39; Gozzi 2001, 549; Stampfer, ibidem. 10. Hermann 1905, 40-41, no. 42; Gozzi 2001, 550; Stampfer, ibidem. 8. Hermann 1905, 38, no. 40; Gozzi 2001, 549; Stampfer, ibidem. 11. Albertoni 1996, 169-175; Curzel 2014, 35. 344 345 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI belonged to a priest officiating in one of the territory’s parishes.12 Undoubtedly, both are sources of the Brixen liturgy (they contain the antiphons Sancti confessores vestri and O per omnia viros laudabiles for the commemoration of the diocesan patrons Ingenuin and Albuin), albeit with meaningful differences: surprisingly, these two breviaries for the summer season lack the proper office of St Cassian, the third co-patron of the dioceses, that of St Augustine, and that of the Transfiguration, three feasts included in the standard canon of the episcopal centre. A working hypothesis may be formulated based on the idea that peripheral areas are generally more conservative than central ones. In other words, the two volumes from the valley of the River Inn may be testimonies of an earlier stage in the liturgy of the episcopal centre in Bressanone: that is, before the introduction of the offices of Cassian, Augustine, and the Transfiguration. However, other dynamics may also have been involved, and the concept of a ‘peripheral area’ for the Inn valley should be assessed carefully. For example, the breviary Cod. 762 is one of four sources for the special office for Ioachim et Anna, documented only in BREs E 22, BREs T 2 and in the Fragm. 54 of Novacella. In this particular case, it is difficult to establish the process of transmission of these offices. Moreover a third small winter breviary is preserved in the same library (no. 10). This manuscript is certainly ‘Brixinense’, but the place where it was used has not yet been identified (Novacella or Bressanone according to the catalogue). In addition to the office for Ingenuin and Albuin, it transmits in a separate section the office for the Lancea Domini.13 (fols. 323r-327v). 9) Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Cod. 762 (= Inn 762) Sources 8) Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Cod. 734 (= Inn 734) Breviary, pars aestivalis, about 1480. fol. 245r fol. 259r fol. 291r fol. 396r fol. 410v Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) 12. One of the most important centres to the north of the Brenner pass was the Premonstratensian abbey of Canons Regular at Wilten, founded before 1138. From the thirteenth century onwards, the canons of Wilten strengthened their spiritual and preaching mission by incorporating a significant number of small parishes (Schlachta 2006, 240). One should therefore not exclude the possibility that these two extravagantes may have been owned initially by canons from Wilten Abbey. Liturgical manuscripts and fragments of Wilten are listed in Engels 2001, 293-305. 13. 346 Neuhauser et al. 2011, 62-67. – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Breviary, end of the fifteenth century. It belonged to a certain Caspar Wiselpalg Hirßauer de Hirßau.14 fol. 105r fol. 118r fol. 129v fol. 131v fol. 140v fol. 147r fol. 187r fol. 191r Achacius (LMLO AC53 = AH 5, no. 98, p. 91) Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17) Henricus (LMLO HE92) Ioachin et Anna (LMLO IO11 = AH 26, no. 48, p. 139) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) 10) Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Cod. 610 (= Inn 610) Breviary (pars hiemalis), second half of the fifteenth century. fol. 230v fol. 238r fol. 272r fol. 287r fol. 323r Barbara (LMLO BA40 = AH 25, no. 42, p. 116) Conceptio BMV (LMLO YC 51 = AH 5, no. 12, p. 47) Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Lancea Domini (LMLO XL 11) The Val Pusteria/Pustertal Bressanone lies on the River Isarco/Eisack, a tributary of the Adige/Etsch. Just north of Bressanone the Val Pusteria branches off to the east, along the impetuous Rio Pusteria/Mühlbach. At the top of the valley is the ancient Benedictine monastery of San Candido, the most influential religious centre in this area. From its foundation the abbey was under the authority of Freising. In fact, it was founded in 769 by Atto, abbot of Sankt Peter in Scharnitz, and donated in 783 to the church of Freising. Around 1142 Otto, bishop of Freising, converted the old Benedictine monastery into a collegiate church.15 However, after Emperor Henry IV had given the Val Pusteria to Altwin, bishop of Bressanone, in 1091, the political influence of the new episcopal authority began to weaken that of Freising: for example, it is not a coincidence that Richer and Ortolf, respectively the third and fourth priors of San Candido, were both canons of Brixen Dom.16 The history of San Candido is very interesting, since we can consider it as a sort of ‘double mirror’ reflecting the different external political influences of 14. Neuhauser et al. 2014, 179. 15. On the history of San Candido see Kühebacher 2006, 7-8, 15-17. For the medieval liturgical manuscripts in particular see: Engels 2001, 305-307; Haug et al. 2017, 66-72. 16. Albertoni 1996, 223; Curzel 2014, 36. 347 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI Freising and Bressanone and the consequent changes in its musical-liturgical tradition, silently witnessed by its manuscripts. Unfortunately, we can follow this transformation only in the mass repertoire. At present we do not know of any early medieval source for the office written in or for San Candido. From the beginning of the seventeenth century the situation becomes clearer, since a small number of late sources have survived, preserved in the Biblioteca della Collegiata of San Candido. Among these the antiphoner VII A 1, written in 1616 by Matthäeus Prinster, former organist of the collegiate church, may be considered the only witness of the proper office for the patron St Candidus (fol. 195r: “In festo sancti Candidi martyris atque praesulis patroni huius collegiatae ecclesiae Inticinensis” – see Table 2). 11) San Candido, Biblioteca della Collegiata, VII A 1 Antiphoner, 1616, San Candido Table 2. Historia sancti Candidi Fol. 348 Liturgical position Incipit 195r 1V-A In aeternum dominus* etc. 195r 1V-Ps Dixit dominus* etc. 195v 1V-Am Sancte Candide praesul 196r M-I Iesum Dei filium per quem 198v M-H Deus tuorum* 198v M-A1 Sanctus Candidus meditans legem 199r M-A2 Iesu Christe tuus famulus 199r M-A3 In voce humili Christum 199v M-Vs Gloria et honore 199v M-R1 Gaude felix o patrone Candide 200r M-R1V O martyr sancte Candide 200r M-R2 Nobilis vir Dei Candidus 201r M-R2V Fac mecum Domine signum 201r M-R3 O lampas ecclesiae Candide 201v M-R3V Fac nos laetari faciem 202r M-A4 Invocante te in iustitia 202r M-A5 Laetetur quia speravit 202v M-A6 O quam admirabile est 202v M-R4 Posuisti domine 203r M-R4V Laus perennis gloriae – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL 203r M-R5 Haec attente famuli cordibus 203v M-R5V Praesul Christi egregie 203v M-R6 Fac ut te cum iucundemur 204r M-R6V Gaudete Christi famuli 204v M-Vs O quam bonum 204v M-A7 Pontifex et martyr Candide 205r M-A8 Sine macula hic fuisti 205r M-A9 Ad martyrium currit 205v M-Vs Magna est gloria 205v M-R7 O martyr sancte Candide 206r M-R7V Pro famulis tuis ora 206r M-R8 O foelix (!) gaude Gallia 206v M-R8V His ora pro terrigenis 207r L-A1 In aeternum Dominus caelo 207r L-A2 Iubilet in gaudio Candidus 207v L-A3 Qui sic se hic humiliavit 207v L-A4 Benedicite Deum omnium 207v L-A5 Signis et miraculis 208r L-H Martyr Dei qui* 208r L-Ab Benedictus Deus laus sanctorum 208v 2V-A In aeternum Dominus* etc. 208v 2V-Am O sancte Candide noster patrone Novacella The Augustinian abbey of Novacella was founded in 1142 by Hartmann, bishop of Bressanone, not far from the episcopal centre.17 Very few liturgical manuscripts have survived, but recent research promoted by the Free University of Bolzano has discovered a conspicuous number of fragments. From a preliminary analysis of these sources, we can identify two features: 1. On the one hand, we can see that the traditional Augustinian repertoire was enriched by local material. For example, Fragm. 19 contains the only surviving source for the proper office for St Monica, mother of St Augustine, probably a local late fourteenth-century composition. It is surprising to ascertain that the text of the chants is taken from Augustine’s Confessiones. 17. Innerhofer 2006; Engels 2001, 307-310. 349 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI 2. The second phenomenon is that, probably from the early fourteenth century, the liturgical influence of the nearby episcopal centre of Bressanone began to grow stronger and stronger, and some diocesan items were incorporated, even into such a conservative tradition as the Augustinian one. Firstly, the office for Ingenuin and Albuin was introduced, then in the fifteenth century Cassian, the third co-patron, appears, together with the rhymed office for Joachim and Anna. 14) Fragm. 2 (Antiphoner, second half of the fourteenth century. Bressanone or Novacella): Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores vestri). Sources 12) Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Cod. 15063 (= Nov 15063) Although its series of the responsories for the Office of the Dead is different from that transmitted in the Bressanone sources, the presence of the proper chants for Ingenuin and Albuin in the fifteenth-century antiphoner Cod. 15063 tallies with the local tradition. Its Augustinian origin is clearly indicated by the offices for St Augustine, especially his Translatio. For that occasion the manuscript records two special rhythmic antiphons, O rex altissime and O lumen ecclesiae. On the other hand, as in sources from the Inntal, Cassian is lacking. The nature of the codex swings between antiphoner and vesperale, since only very few offices are transmitted in their complete form.18 fol. 60r fol. 73v fol. 76r fol. 78r fol. 82r fol. 137v fol. 148v fol. 153r fol. 158v fol. 168v fol. 172v fol. 175r fol. 184r Barbara (LMLO BA40 = AH 25, no. 42, p. 116) Dorothea (LMLO DO81 = AH 5, no. 56, p. 163) Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Rupertus (incomplete: the first part was erased; fol. 82r starts with the concluding words “in populo Dei” from the antiphon Replevit sanctum suum followed by the Fourth Antiphon for the Second Vespers Beatus Rudpertus ab infantia). Lancea Domini (LMLO XL 11) Margareta (LMLO MD33 = AH 28, no. 3, p. 17) Iacobus ap. (LMLO IA12 = AH 26, no. 42, p. 124) Augustinus (1V-A1: Laetare mater nostra) Translatio Augustini (1V-Am: O rex altissime Deus; 2V-Am: O lumen ecclesiae) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) Conceptio BMV (LMLO YC52 = AH 5, no. 13, p. 51) Fragments with Historiae 13) Fragm. 1 (Breviary, early thirteenth century. South Germany): Gregorius papa (LMLO 31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184). – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL 15) Fragm. 19 (Antiphoner, beginning of the fifteenth century. Novacella): Monica. 16) Fragm. 22 (Antiphoner, second half of fourteenth century. Bressanone, Dom): Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores). 17) Fragm. 23 (Antiphoner, second half of the fourteenth century. South Germany): Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253). 18) Fragm. 54 (Breviary, second half of the fifteenth century. Bressanone or Novacella): Ioachim, Anna (LMLO IO11 = AH 26, no. 48, p. 139), Cassianus (1VA1: Beatus Cassianus sacerdos) 19) Archiv, Khäufsabrod Buech 1697-1702 (Antiphoner, second half of the fifteenth century, Novacella): Lancea Domini (LMLO XL 11). 20) Archiv, Protocol 1679-1685 (Antiphoner, second half of the fifteenth century, South Germany): Kunigunde (LMLO KU51 = AH 26, no. 77, p. 224). The office for St Monica: a local composition? The office for St Monica preserved in the Fragm. 19 (see Table 3) is particularly interesting, for Monica was the mother of St Augustine and benefitted from the particular devotion of the Augustinian order, especially the Eremitani.19 As already remarked, in this fragment the text of the chants is strictly connected with the famous autobiography by Augustine, the Confessiones. In addition, another element links the fragment even more closely with the Augustinian abbey of Novacella: the incipit of the hymn Alma for First Vespers clearly refers to the text Alma mater generosa. According to Analecta Hymnica (AH 4, no. 397, p. 212), this piece is transmitted only in the breviary Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Cod. 405, fol. 151v (“De sancta Monica matre Augustini”), written around the 1500 for Lukas von Harber von Ringelsperg, prior of the abbey from 1483 to 1503.20 Admittedly, although probably belonging to the Augustinian network and despite the presence of a hymn attested only in a unique source written in Novacella, we cannot state unequivocally that this office is a local composition. Further investigation is undoubtedly required. 19. See the observations of Robert Klugseder regarding the antiphoner A-Wn Mus. Hs. 15.505, copied for the Eremitani of the Hofburg collegiate chapel in Vienna (Klugseder 2014, 303-307, esp. 305). 18. 350 Stampfer and Schretter, Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften in der Stiftsbibliothek Neustift (forthcoming). 20. Stampfer and Schretter, Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften in der Stiftsbibliothek Neustift (forthcoming). 351 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI Table 3. Historia sanctae Monicae matris sancti Augustini episcopi Unfortunately, in the Bressanone fragment the office for Lucius is incomplete (see Table 4). The text stops suddenly after the Third Antiphon of the Second Nocturn, resuming with the final prayer at Lauds, followed by a rubric and the Antiphona ad Magnificat. Lessons and chants are taken from the saint’s Carolingian vita (BHL 5024). The fragments may come from the Val Venosta/Vinschgau, west of Merano. Today, the Val Venosta is part of the Alto Adige, but historically it was part of the diocese of Chur (Kaiser 1999). Fol. Liturgical position Incipit AH, Cantus 1r 1V-A5 [Tunc ait illa …] nulla re iam delector 600022a 1r 1V-R In limo pro* 1r 1V-H Alma* 1r 1V-Am Cum beata Monica in ecclesia 1r M-I Christum regem adoremus consolantem 1r M-A1 Vidit beata Monica se stantem 1v M-A2 Iuvenis igitur illis ab ea 1v M-A3 At illa respondit perditionem 1v M-R1 Emisisti (recte Et misisti) manum tuam 1v M-R1V Exaudisti eam domine […] AH 4, no. 397, p. 212 fol. 271α fol. 276β fol. 300β fol. 319α fol. 325α fol. 334β fol. 368β fol. 373α Ingenuinus et Albuinus (1V-Am: Sancti confessores vestri) Gregorius papa (LMLO GR31 = AH 5, no. 64, p. 184) Visitatio BMV (LMLO YV42 = AH 24, no. 29, p. 89) Afra (1V-A1: Gratias tibi Domine; 1V-Am: Gloriosa et beatissima) Cassianus (1V-A1: Beatus Cassianus sacerdos) Augustinus (1V-A1: Laetare mater nostra) Elisabeth (LMLO EL61 = AH 25, no. 90, p. 253) Catherina (LMLO CB 24 = AH 26, no. 69, p. 197) A further fragmentary source Ten folios of a recently discovered fifteenth-century breviary without music were recently detached from manuscript R 3 of the Biblioteca del Seminario of Bressanone. They preserve part of a calendar (from March to September), the rhymed Historia sancti Lucii Curiensis, patron of the diocese of Chur, and incomplete special offices for Barbara (LMLO BA53) and for the Conceptio Mariae (LMLO YC51). A breviary written in 1456 for St Leonard’s chapel in Bad Ragaz (Chur diocese) transmits the same order of chants.21 21. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsarchiv (Abtei Pfäfers), Cod. Fab. IX, fol. 139v (Lucius), 143r (Barbara), 146v (Conceptio BMV). On this source see Jurat and Gamper 2002, 59-62. 352 HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL 22) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, R 3 (fragments) Breviary, 10 fols., early fifteenth century, Val Venosta? Table 4. Historia sancti Lucii Curiensis Fol. Liturgical position 5r Printed sources 21) Psalterium et Breviarium iuxta chorum ecclesie Brixinensis (Augsburg: Ratdolt 1489) (= Brev 1489). – Incipit AH In festo migrationis sancti Lucii - 5r 1V-A Inclite rex Luci spreta 5r 1V-R Euge serve* - 5r 1V-H Anni volventis circulus AH 54, no. 121, p. 242 5r 1V-Am O mire humilitatis - 5r M-I Regem regum qui hodie regi Lucio - 5r M-A1 In primo christiane religionis - 5r M-A2 Doctine novitate Galli - 5r M-A3 Tandem evangelii veritate - 5v M-R1 Sanctus Timotheus Gallia - 5v M-R1V Verbum Dei ubique - 5v M-R2 Audita viri Dei opinione - 5v M-R2V Predestinatus vocatus mox - 5v M-R3 Sub noctis silentio - 5v M-R3V Hesitanti animo divina - 5v M-A4 Evigilans Lucius nocturna visione - 5v M-A5 Vir donum? ubi divinitus - 5v M-A6 Missus interim Roma nuntius - LACUNA - Descendit dominus cum sancto Lucio - 6r 2V-Am 353 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI The tradition: German roots and local offices As pointed out in recent research by Marco Gozzi, Giulia Gabrielli, and Stephan Engels, the liturgical and musical repertoire of Tyrol has its roots in the South German area.22 Nevertheless, at some point this shared repertoire was coloured by the introduction of local features – a normal practice after all. The historiae illustrate the same development. On the one hand we find the widely known offices of Afra, Barbara, Catherine, Elizabeth, and Margaret, and that of Augustine, probably related to the expansion of the Augustinian Order in the German area. Then come offices whose diffusion is more or less confined to the south German area: Achacius, Emperor Henry, the Transfiguration, the Holy Lance. Other uncommon offices like that of Hedwig and Dorothea, only present in breviary T 2, are to be attributed to the special devotion of the owner of the book, a canon of the cathedral. Lastly, the local offices – that of patrons Ingenuin and Albuin, already mentioned in the Liber Ordinarius; and the historia for Cassian, the third co-patron, which might have been introduced to Brixen from Imola, where the saint was also patron – representing the only link with the North Italian tradition (but the second part of this paper will treat this theme in more depth). However, some aspects of the surviving manuscripts present are much harder to understand: the absence of the offices of the Transfiguration, Augustine, and Cassian in the two Innsbruck breviaries (Cod. 734 and Cod. 762) marks a distinct separation between the Bressanone manuscripts to the north and the south of the Brenner Pass; those from the north may possibly represent an earlier stage in the local liturgy. Only after further studies, extended to the whole repertory (the Mass and the Office), may it become possible to confirm what is, at the moment, only a working hypothesis about the pattern of transmission. inclusive. The present section has the same chronological scope, in that I will also mention the modern evolution of the saints’ offices (after the Council of Trent) and the sources which preserve them. Part II: The local offices Cassian, Ingenuin, and Albuin, the three patron saints of the historical diocese of Bressanone/Brixen, have been researched from an historical-artistic point of view; however, they have not yet been the subject of specific liturgical and liturgical-musical studies.23 The second part of this paper aims partially to bridge this gap and to provide a preliminary overview of the texts and music in the offices of the three saints. The first research on this subject began as part of a descriptive census of the liturgical-musical sources preserved in South Tyrol, started by the Free University of Bolzano/Bozen started in 2008 and still in progress. The census covers medieval codices and all other manuscripts up to the nineteenth century – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL The diocese and its patron saints The diocese of Sabiona (later Bressanone) originally occupied a vast territory that coincided with ancient Raetia Secunda.24 The area was Christianized from the south: traces of Christianization are to be found in the boundary with the nearby diocese of Trent in Chiusa/Klausen, right under the ‘rock’ of Sabiona, the first episcopal see, but also in the provenance of the most ancient patron of the diocese, Cassian of Imola, a master of grammar, literature and ars notaria, who was martyred by his students with a stiletto in around 305 ad. The first patron, Cassian, was joined over the centuries by two ‘native’ patrons: Ingenuin and Albuin. Ingenuin, the bishop of Sabiona, who was Roman by origin, lived between the sixth and seventh centuries, while Albuin, the descendant of a powerful Germanic family, was bishop of Sabiona/Bressanone around 1000, when the territory had already been Germanized. Albuin succeeded in moving the episcopal see from Sabiona to nearby Bressanone. Around the mid-twelfth century Hartmann, bishop of Bressanone (1140-1164), encouraged the cult of both Albuin and the diocese’s patrons by transferring Albuin’s relics to the high altar in Bressanone cathedral, right next to Ingenuin’s. It was probably Hartmann who named Ingenuin and Albuin the diocese’s patrons, together with Cassian.25 Hartmann played a key role in the cult of local saints, but was also the founder of the Augustinian abbey of Novacella, a little north of Bressanone.26 The offices of the patrons One of the most ancient sources for the liturgy of patrons Ingenuin and Albuin, celebrated together on 5 February, is the Liber Ordinarius of Bressanone-San Candido, now preserved in San Candido, dating from the first half of the thirteenth century.27 The manuscript contains rubrics and incipits for the chants of the mass (for example, the trope to the Introit Gaudeamus) and office of the two saints. The Liber Ordinarius has been transcribed by Gionata Brusa as part of the project 24. Information about the history and the patrons of the diocese of Sabiona/Bressanone can be found in the publications by Josef Gelmi (2001, 2005, 2006). 25. Gelmi 2006, 43. Resch 1760, 444, notes that the documents regularly mention Ingenuin and Albuin as patrons of the diocese from 1237 onwards, when the second cathedral of Bressanone was consecrated to the saints Peter, Ingenuinus and Albuin (the first cathedral, dating from the end of the tenth century, had been destroyed by the great fire of 1174: see Andergassen 2010). In the document of 1237 relating the consecration, Ingenuin and Albuin are assigned the official appellations of ‘pontifices’ and ‘patroni loci’. 22. Engels 2001; Gabrielli 2015a and 2015b; Gozzi 2001 and 2003a. 26. Hartmann belonged to the order of Augustinian Canons Regular. Before he was appointed bishop of Brixen he had been prior in Augustinian houses in Chiemsee and Klosterneuburg. 23. See Andergassen 2006, 82. 27. 354 San Candido/Innichen, Biblioteca della Collegiata/Bibliothek des Kollegiatstiftes, VII A 10 (no. 63). 355 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES on libri ordinari in the ecclesiastical province of Salzburg.28 The Appendix below contains the transcription of the text referring to the patron saints. The office of Sts Ingenuin and Albuin is to be found in its entirety and with notation in the last quire of ms. 147 of the Archivio del Principato Vescovile (Figure 1), a manuscript from the beginning of the fourteenth century now preserved at the Archivio di Stato in Bolzano, which also contains a copy of the so-called Calendarium Wintheri.29 The name of the codex comes from Winter of Neuburg, a canon of Bressanone cathedral who lived in the twelfth century and who was the author of what is regarded as the most ancient calendarium-urbariusnecrologium of the church of Bressanone, published by Leo Santifaller in 1923. The last section of the manuscript, which was ignored by Santifaller, contains the offices of saints Ingenuin and Albuin with German neumes.30 The office is still unpublished and is not noticed in any of the current reference material.31 The items with music are listed in Table 5 below. The German adiastematic neumes are among the most ancient examples of notation that can be ascribed to Bressanone. (The most ancient manuscripts preserved there, such as the so-called Karnol and Lavant missals from the twelfth century, are probably not local in origin).32 The texts of the office reveal details pertaining to its origin and its use. The first antiphon contains a reference to “nostrum collegium”, which may refer either to the Chapter of Bressanone Cathedral (which bishop Hartmann had tried to reform), or even to the Augustinian abbey of Novacella, founded by Hartmann in 1142. The texts of the chants are not related to the vita of the patron saints as recounted in the first six lessons (the last three have different subjects). An important source for the office, the printed breviary of the diocese of Bressanone published by Ratdolt in 1489,33 gives a historical portrait of Ingenuin in the first six lessons, while Albuin is never mentioned. The same happens in other sources, for example the so-called ‘Bressanone Breviary’, completed around 1420 and now lost, but luckily transcribed in the eighteenth century by Josef Resch.34 The texts 28. Cantus Network. Libri ordinarii of the Salzburg metropolitan province, A project of the Austrian Academy of Sciences directed by Franz Prassl and Robert Klugseder (<https://gams.uni-graz.at/context:cantus> [July 2017]). 29. Bolzano, Archivio di Stato, Principato vescovile di Bressanone, Archivio Vescovile, Cod. 147 (Calendarium Wintheri). 30. The same office with Germanic neumes is cited by Resch 1760, 455, as being present in a manuscript once in Novacella but now lost. Resch transcribes text and neumes of the first antiphon of the office, Sancti confessores. 31. For a first description of the manuscript see Gabrielli 2015b, 3-8 (no. 1 of the catalogue). 32. On the two manuscripts see: Unterkircher 1979 and 1980; Gabrielli 2015b, 392-405 and 413-426 (nos. 85 and 88 of the catalogue). Gabrielli’s dissertation (2015b) was published in 2019 in the Supplementa of the series Codices Manuscripti & Impressi (Purkersdorf: Hollinek). 33. Breviarium Brixinense, Augsburg, Erhard Ratdolt, 1489 (RELICS REAAA5588); the office is at fol. 271r. Table 1 contains the full list of the sources of the office. 34. Resch 1760, pp. 431-439. The breviary is also cited in Gelmi 2005, pp. 44-45 and notes 79-81 on pp. 108-109, and Landi 2005, pp. 92-97. 356 BRUSA AND GABRIELLI – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Figure 1 Bolzano, Archivio di Stato, Principato vescovile di Bressanone, Archivio Vescovile, Cod. 147 (Calendarium Wintheri, beginning of the fourteenth century), fol. 25r of the chants, on the other hand, refer repeatedly to the need for the clergy to lead a moderate and chaste life, inspired by the patrons, together with expressions, characterizations, and analogies in praise of the patron saints through chant. The incipit of the Magnificat Antiphon at First Vespers, Adest dies celebris, is the same as in the office of St Augustine,35 in the version witnessed in numerous sources from the Southern German area, many of them Augustinian. Another Augustinian witness is ms. 15063 of Novacella itself, a fifteenth-century antiphoner from the abbey (Figures 2 and 3 pp. 358-359). Although this incipit belongs to a type fairly widespread and well known,36 the affinity between the two offices is quite clear from both the musical and textual point of view.37 35. On this office see Szendrei 2000 and Schrama 2004. 36. See Dobszay and Szendrei 1999, no. 1466. 37. The first part of the text is very similar: Augustini: “Adest dies celebris, quo salutis [sic] nexu carnis sanctus presul Augustinus assumptus est […]”; Ingenuini et Albuini: “Adest dies celebris, quo exuti mole carnis sanctus presul Ingenuinus eiusque compar Albuinus ad patriae celestis […]”. 357 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL 3. 2. Figure 2 Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, 15063 (antiphoner, fifteenth century), fol. 76v Figure 3 Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, 15063 (antiphoner, fifteenth century), fol. 160r 358 In this case, I believe we should consider a connection between the composition of the patrons’ office and the Augustinian bishop of Brixen, Hartmann. The hymn for Ingenuin and Albuin, Salutis reddunt gaudia (AH 4, no. 287, p. 156), of which only the incipit is found in the Calendarium Wintheri, is preserved in another manuscript from Bressanone, a hymnal from the fourteenth century.38 The hymn has the same melody as that for St Andrew Exorta a Betshaida (AH 52, no. 98, p. 94), found in the same manuscript39 and in German sources.40 A hymnal from Novacella contains the texts of two other different hymns for the patrons.41 38. Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, K 7, fol. 165v. The manuscript is described in Gabrielli 2015a, no. 96, 458-465. 39. At fol. 196v. 40. The hymn was transcribed in Stäblein 1956, no. 520 (Cantus ID 830114). According to AH, the text of the hymn for St Andrew can be found in many sources, all from southern Germany. 41. Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol, Cod. 405 (Novacella, ca. 1500), fol. 149v Caelum digne tripudiat terra (AH 23, no. 139, p. 91), and fol. 150r Caelestes gemmae confessione (AH 51, no. 107, p. 121). In the sources listed in AH both hymns were also used for other saints. 359 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Table 5. Officium Ingenuini et Albuini OLD OFFIcE San Candido, Museo della Collegiata, VII A 10: Liber Ordinarius from Bressanone/San Candido (second quarter of the 14th century), fol. 37r [SCan 10] (only text) Bolzano, Archivio di Stato, Principato vescovile di Bressanone, Archivio vescovile, Cod 147: Calendarium Wintheri (beginning of the 14th century), fol. 28r [Bolz 147] (with neumes) Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, K 7: Hymnar-Antiphonarium from Bressanone (14th century) [Bre K 7] (Antiphonae for the Commemorationes [4v] and hymn [fol. 165v] with notation) Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Fragm. 2: Antiphonarium (second half of the 14th century) [Nov Fragm 2] Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Fragm. 22: Vesperale from Bressanone Cathedral (14th century) [Nov Fragm 22] Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Cod. 15063: Antiphonarium from Novacella (15th century), fol. 76r [Nov 15063] Breviarium brixinense (printed), Auguste Vindelicorum, Ratdolt, 1489, fol. 271ra [Bre 1489] Roma, Biblioteca Angelica, MS 434: Breviarium, pars hiemalis (15th century), Bressanone, later Chur, fol. 238v [RoA 434] Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 2: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 288r SCan 10 Bolz 147 (notated) + + Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 3: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 234v Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 4: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 395r Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol, Cod. 610: Breviarium from Bressanone (second half of the 15th century), fol. 272r Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol, Cod. 783: Breviarium of the Bishop of Trent Johannes Hinderbach (second half of the 15th century), fol. 42r POSt-CONcILIAr OFFIcE: Bressanone, Archivio Diocesano, B IIII: Antiphonarium de sanctis from Bressanone Cathedral (ca. 1618), fol. 55r Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, B 3: Antiphonarium from Sonnenburg (1688), fol. 138v Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, D 17: Antiphonarium-Hymnarium from Sonnenburg (second half of the 17th century), p. 359 Officia propria sanctorum cathedralis ecclesiae et dioecesis Brixinensis, Innsbruck: Agricola, 1606 (only text) Bre K7 (notated) RoA 434 Bre 1489 + Nov Fragm 22 (notated) Nov 15063 (notated) Nov Fragm 2 (notated) + + + + + 1V-A1 Sancti confessores vestri gregis 1V-A2 Sancti confessores patres 1V-Am Adest dies celebris + + + + M-I Regem laudemus qui + + + + + M-A1 Meditabuntur viri beati + + + + M-A2 Praedicantes praeceptum + + + + M-A3 Operantes hos vernaculos + + + + M-R1 Beatorum Christi confessorum + + + M-R2 Vitae celebris doctrinae + + + M-R3 Misso de supernis + + + M-A4 Euntes ad te + + + M-A5 O quam admirabile + + + M-A6 In tabernaculo tuo + + + M-R4 Exemplis dignos ut provocarent + + + M-R5 Sancti spiritus unctio + + + M-R6 O gemmae domus + + + M-A7 Ex servis filii + + + M-A8 Innocenter militantes + + + M-A9 Doctrinae fideliter + + + M-R7 Isti sancti iussu + + + M-R8 Orate pro nobis + + + 360 + 361 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES SCan 10 BRUSA AND GABRIELLI Bolz 147 (notated) Bre K7 (notated) – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL RoA 434 Bre 1489 Nov Fragm 22 (notated) Nov 15063 (notated) + + + + + + + + + + M-R9 Hodie presules incliti L-A1 Omnia de Christo L-A2 Aeterna laborum suorum + + + + L-A3 Reportato cum foenore + + + + + L-A4 In prosperis et adversis + + + + + L-A5 Laudabilem in suis + + + + + L-Ab O per omnia laudabile + + + + 2V-A1 Magnificetur Dominus + 2V-A1 Omnia de Christo 2V-A2 Isti sancti digne celebri + + 2V-A3 Hii cultores agri + + 2V-A4 Inter procella saeculi + + 2V-A5 O patroni speciales + + 2V-Am Hodie viri Israhelitae + + 2V-Am O patroni speciales + + Nov Fragm 2 (notated) +* + +** + + * This is the only responsory found in Cod. 15063 ** rubric “Ant Omnia de Christo cum reliquis”. 362 363 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Table 6. Officium Cassiani OLD OFFIcE: Imola, Museo diocesano, Ms. 12: Antiphoner from the Imola Cathedral (14th century), fol. 150r [Imola 12] Bressanone Cathedral, Antiphonarium de sanctis (14th century?, transcribed by Resch and now lost) [Ant Bre] Bressanone, Archivio Diocesano, s.s.: Fragment of Antiphonarium (15th century) [Bre Fragm s.s.] Breviarium brixinense (printed), Augsburg, Ratdolt, 1489, fol. 325ra [Bre 1489] Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, E 22: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 253V Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 1: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 268r Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 2: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 447r Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 3: Breviarium from Bressanone (15th century), fol. 311v Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Fragm. 54: Breviarium from Novacella (?) (15th-16th centuries) POSt-cONcILIAr OFFIcE: Bressanone, Museo Diocesano, A V: Antiphonarium de sanctis, pars aestivalis (ca. 1618), fol. 97v [Ant Bre 1618] Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, B 3: Antiphonarium from Sonnenburg (1688): fol. 117r, In festo sancti Cassiani, 2V-Am: “Adest beati Cassiani, gloriosa dies qua mille plagis confossus, victor migravit ad Dominum et coronam decoris meruit de manu Dei, alleluia”, “Beatus Cassiano sacerdos extitit gloriosus martirium, confessus implevit et victor pervenit ad coronam” (as in Imola, Museo Diocesano, Ms. 12) [Ant Sonn 1688] Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, D17: Antiphonarium from Sonnenburg (second half of the 17th century), p. 292 (music and text as in B 3) Imola 12 Bre K7 (notated) RoA 434 Bre 1489 Nov Fragm 22 (notated) Nov 15063 (notated) 1V-A1 Beatus Cassianus sacerdos - + + +* +* 1V-Am Adest namque beati Cassiani + + + + + M-I Regem Cassiani dominum + + + M-A1 Cassianus igitur corneliensis + + + M-A2 Ab ipsis infantiae + + + M-A3 Sicut sitiens cervus + + + M-R1 Cassianus igitur corneliensis + + + M-R2 Sicut cervus fluenta + + + M-R3 Fuit autem beatus Cassianus + + + M-A4 Doctor namque extitit libera + + + M-A5 Interea seva paganorum + + + M-A6 Exiit edictum a romano + + + M-R4 Doctor namque extitit arcium + + + M-R5 Interea paganorum rabies + + + M-R6 Discipuli vero malum + + + M-A7 Quod audiens sanctus Cassianus + + + M-A8 Discipuli vero pro bono + + + M-A9 Mille fossus plagis + + + M-R7 Beatus Germanus pontifex + M-R8 Interrogatus quod officium Beatus Germanus antistes M-R9 + + Beatus Cassianus mente Pueris quibus prefuit + + + + + + + * placed in Second Vespers 364 365 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI Imola 12 M-R9 Beatus Cassianus mente + L-A1 Venit ad sepulcrum + L-A2 Beatus Cassianus dum L-A3 L-A4 L-A5 L-Ab P-A Quem Brixina pontificem 2V-A1 Venit ad sepulcrum 2V-A2 - 2V-A3 - 2V-A4 - 2V-A5 - 2V-Am Vincitur post terga 366 + + + + Nov Fragm 22 (notated) Nov 15063 (notated) + + + + + + + + Ille autem columna dei O quam gloriosus martyr Bre 1489 + Mox indumentis exuitur Sanctus autem Cassianus + + Ut illi poenas redderent Romanus imperator privatus RoA 434 + Cumque zelus succentus Potior quiete benigne HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL + Pueris quibus prefuit Beatus Cassianus licet Bre K7 (notated) – + + + + + + + + + 367 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI Table 5 (p. 360) gives a summary of the office.42 One may observe a modal progression from the antiphons of Lauds (modes 1 to 6), plus the Magnificat Antiphon in mode 7. As far as the construction of the melodies is concerned, some passages are present in various diastematic manuscripts, while others are unfortunately known only in their adiastematic version; at the moment, it is therefore impossible to reconstruct the melodies completely. The search for other diastematic codices will continue! One point of information in Table 5 is of particular interest: at the end of the office, the fifteenth-century breviary of the diocese of Bressanone kept in Rome in the Angelica Library (I-Ra MS 434) gives a Magnificat Antiphon of Second Vespers (O patroni speciales) different from all other witnesses. This antiphon will be re-used, with some textual variations, in the post-conciliar office of the patron saints, described below. The seventeenth-century cathedral choirbooks, which are now preserved in Bressanone at the Archivio Diocesano and the Museo Diocesano, contain the post-conciliar office of the patrons. Antiphons and responsories to be found in the antiphoner (Sanctorale) of ca. 1618 are drawn for the most part from the Common of Saints,43 except for the antiphons at Lauds and the two antiphons to the Magnificat, which are, however, different from those of the old office (the antiphons are transcribed in the Appendix). Another late source, the 1688 antiphoner from the female Benedictine abbey of Sonnenburg in Val Pusteria/ Pustertal,44 has the same texts but different melodies. The explanation for this is that starting from the early seventeenth century, texts from the new offices were published in print, paid for by the diocese, and were subsequently reprinted numerous times.45 of the fourteenth century.47 The texts of both antiphons and responsories are drawn from the medieval legend of the saint.48 As to the music, in Bressanone only one fragment from the fifteenth century with parts of a responsory has surfaced.49 The two antiphons to the Magnificat found in the ancient office, however, are present in later sources from the cathedral and from the convent at Sonnenburg; here the text of the antiphons is the ancient one, but we do not know if the melodies are the same as in the ‘old version’ of the Bressanone office.50 As to the hymn for Cassian, the situation is much less clear than that of Ingenuin and Albuin. In the calendar in the aforementioned hymnal-antiphoner K 7 the Translatio s. Cassiani is entered on 3 December, but the manuscript does not contain hymns for Cassian. In the 1489 printed Breviary from Bressanone, the hymns for Cassian are taken from the Common. AH reports hymns for Cassian in various manuscripts, none of which, however, is from Bressanone. A different situation is presented by the office for the most ancient patron of the diocese of Sabiona, Cassian of Imola, whose feast day was 13 August (translation on 3 December).46 In Bressanone the text of the office survives in manuscripts and prints, all dating to the fifteenth century (see Table 6 p. 374). In these sources, the Cassian office presents exactly the same texts as those found in the choirbook from Imola Cathedral, dating back to the beginning – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Offices of other saints Although not patrons of the diocese, Joachim and Anna were particularly venerated in Bressanone. A local office can be found in the following manuscripts:51 – Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, E 22: breviary from Bressanone (fifteenth century), fol. 219v (text only, the source used by AH); – Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, T 2: breviary from Bressanone (fifteenth century), fol. 429v (includes Compline, unlike E 22); – Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Fragm. 54, fol. 1r (includes Compline). There is also archival evidence for the cult of St Anna: ms. 4 (ca. 1500) of the Archivio di Novacella tells us that in 1310 the provost of Novacella, Albert von Neustift, made an agreement with his deacon and the whole chapter of canons 42. I thank Gionata Brusa for permitting use of his initial work on the office. 47. Imola, Museo Diocesano, Antifonario 12 – VII, fol. 150r (on this manuscript, see Chiodini 1994). A seventeenthcentury manuscript containing the same Cassian office is preserved in Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ott. lat. 237, fols. 64-75 (cited in Bless-Grabher, p. 156, note 1). Resch informs us about another source of the office, which presents some variants. In his Annales, I, p. 108, he transcribes the texts of the Cassian office from a fourteenth-century antiphoner. This choirbook, once preserved in the cathedral choir of Bressanone, is now lost. Here responsories 7 and 8 and the antiphons for Lauds have a different text (transcription in Table 2). The version of the printed Breviary of 1489 – which is the same as in the manuscript breviaries from Bressanone of the second half of the fourteenth century – goes back in all probability to the liturgical reforms of Bishops Nicolò Cusano and Melchior von Meckau (see Gozzi, ‘Libri liturgici’, forthcoming). 43. Bressanone, Archivio Diocesano, B IIII. 48. Bless-Grabher 1978, 154, and Chiodini 1994, 37. 44. Manuscripts: Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, B 3. 49. Bressanone, Archivio Diocesano, fragment without shelfmark. 45. The first edition is Officia propria Sanctorum Ecclesiae et Dioecesis Brixinensis, Innsbruck: Agricola, 1606 (cited in Gozzi, ‘Libri liturgici’, forthcoming). The various editions no doubt ensured a stable transmission of the text, whereas the unpublished melodies were subject to change and replacement. 46. 368 On the medieval legends and cult of St Cassian see Bless-Grabher 1978. 50. The text of the post-conciliar office for St Cassian was officially approved by the Congregazione dei Riti in 1604 for the diocese of Bressanone, in 1614 for the diocese of Imola (Resch 1760, p. 112). 51. However, only the text is preserved. The office was already noticed in AH (vol. 26, p. 139 no. 48) and LMLO (IO 11). I thank Gionata Brusa for this information. 369 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BRUSA AND GABRIELLI that they were to celebrate an office of St Anna and Joachim twice a year, on 26 July (feast day of St Anna) and on 8 September (feast day of the Nativity of Mary). This is the most ancient evidence for the diffusion of St Anna’s cult in Tyrol (before that time it is documented only for the Alta Pusteria, at Annaberg and Annaburg). This cult may be related to the Bohemian princess Anne, wife of Prince Heinrich of Gorizia-Tyrol, who died three years after the feast was established at Novacella, a place she was particularly fond of (Dörrer 1955). The importance of this feast is also witnessed by the presence in Bressanone sources of a unique sequence for St Anna, Luce lucens in superna lucis,52 which is preserved in a fourteenth-century gradual-sequentiary from the Pusteria Valley.53 Another local peculiarity is a unique office with text and music for St Monica, mother of Augustine, a fragment of which was recently discovered by Gionata Brusa at the Augustinian abbey of Novacella.54 This is a particularly interesting concatenation of person, religious order and location. Appendix – HISTORIAE IN THE SOUTH TYROL Historia sanctorum Ingenuini et Albuini (transcribed by Gionata Brusa) SCan 10, fol. 37rb INgENuINI Et ALBuINI [4.II]. AD VESpErAS primo compulsetur quod dicitur “Shreche”. ANt Sancti confessores sola tantum pSL Laudate pueri cum reliquis cAp Vos sacerdotes rSp Misso de supernis hmN Salutis reddunt VSc Letamini in Domino Amg Adest dies celebris incepta tota canatur et post Magnificat reiteratur Ort Beatorum confessorum. In suffagio de sancta Agatha ANt Mentem sanctam. AD mAtutINAS INV Regem laudemus SErmO Dominus noster Ihesus Christus Hystoria ipsorum per totum canitur. Psalmi et versus de martyribus EVg Sint lumbi. Te Deum laudamus dicitur, etiam si festum venerit in Septuagesimam. IN LAuDIBuS ANt Omnia de Christo cum reliquis cAp Hi sunt viri misericordie ABN O per omnia. In suffragio ANt Paganorum. Ad cursus laudes. AD mISSAm trOpuS Sollempnitatem <INt> Gaudeamus pSL Exultate sancti, Kyrieleyson, Gloria in excelsis Deo Ort Sanctorum confessorum tuorum. Deinde orationes de sancta Agatha et de omnibus sanctis. EpL Hi sunt viri misericordie grD Sacerdotes eius induantur VrS Illuc producam ALL Fulgebunt iusti SEq Innoventur hac in die vel tct Qui seminant EVg Sint lumbi. Credo in unum non dicitur nisi sit dies dominicus OFF Letamini cOm Ego vos elegi. IN SEcuNDA VESpErA ANt Magnificetur Dominus pSL Dixit Dominus ANt Isti sancti pSL Beatus vir ANt Hii cultores pSL In convertendo ANt Inter procellas pSL Eripe me Domine ANt O patroni pSL Lauda Ierusalem hmN Salutis reddunt cAp Sapientiam sanctorum Amg Hodie viri Ort Deus tuorum gloria. In suffragio ANt Beata Agathes. Officium ‘novum’ Ingenuini & Albuini (post-conciliar, found with music from ca. 1618) Proper chants V1 amg L ant 1 L ant 2 L ant 3 L ant 4 52. AH 9, p. 103, no. 129, according to AH on the melody of Gaude Sion quod egressus. 53. Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario, F 5, fol. 47v. 54. Novacella, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, Fragm. 19. On this office, see above p. 351. 370 L ant 5 V2 amg Magnificavit Dominus sanctos suos ut sit illis et semini eorum sacerdoti dignitas in saecula Ipsos elegit Dominus ex omni carne offerre sacrificium incensum et bonum odorem Deo Dedit illis in praeceptis suis potestatem et in lege sua lucem dare populo Corona aurea supra eorum, expressa signo sanctitatis gloriae et honoris Benedictionem omnium gentium dedit illis et testamentum confirmavit super caput eorum Laudantes Dominum in sanctis suis, exaltate illum quantum potestis maior est enim omni laude O patroni singulares, Christo preces fundite pro vestris supplicibus, placatum eum reddite nobis et universis fidelibus 371 Stefania Vitale Università di Torino The office of St Eusebius of Vercelli from the eleventh to the twentieth century: prolegomena to an edition During research on unpublished materials preserved in the Archivio Capitolare of Vercelli concerning the patron saint of the town, I was able to verify the existence of sources and documents that allow one to study the development of the liturgical-musical customs of the Vercelli Cathedral from the Middle Ages to the restoration of the Gregorian chant at the beginning of the twentieth century. In a previous study I was able to explore the work of some key witnesses involved in the Cecilian and Solesmes musical transformation at the beginning of the twentieth century in Vercelli, from the point of view of historical criticism and textual philology. The transformation concerned prominent personalities of the time, in particular Paolo Ferretti, Joseph Pothier, and Raffaele Casimiri.1 Since then two important new figures have emerged, and as a result the need for a more ambitious research project has become evident. The valuable collaboration of Gionata Brusa has made its realization possible. Its goal is a diachronic edition of the office and mass of St Eusebius. In what follows I discuss the first part of this project, the office. St Eusebius of Vercelli Eusebius, first bishop of Vercelli and Piedmont, distinguished himself by his steadfast defence of the Nicene Creed and, consequently, the battle against the Arian heresy. The reassertion of the divinity of the Son of God in the Council of Milan in the year 355, at a historical moment when the Arians were supported by the Eastern Emperor Constans II, resulted in his exile in Palestine, then in Cappadocia, and finally in the Egyptian Thebaid. St Eusebius is also noted because he was able to combine ecclesiastical ministry with the monastic spirit; indeed, he brought into being in Vercelli the first example of coenobitic monasticism, establishing for himself and his clerics the obligation of communal living. This way of life was praised by St Ambrose as the wellspring of bishops for all of northern Italy. We may mention, for example, St Gaudentius, bishop of Novara, and St Maximus, bishop of Turin. Eusebius, mentioned in the I would like to thank Irene Diamond for the English translation of the text and David Hiley for editorial assistance. 1. See Vitale 2014, from which some significant passages have been taken or summarized and updated. 373 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Martyrologium Hieronymianum as bishop and confessor, was soon honoured with the title of martyr, initially perhaps with reference to his exile and the violence he suffered because of his faith, but later in the accepted literal meaning of the term; this gave rise to the false story of his being stoned by the Arians. Eusebius died in Vercelli in 371. His Depositio falls on 1 August. A new anniversary, 15 December, inaugurated in memory of his ordination as bishop of Vercelli by Pope Julius I in 345, is recorded only since the last quarter of the sixteenth century. Its celebration was extended to the universal Church by Clement VIII in 1602. Example 1. Vc64 fols. 127v-128r a.m. = alia mano Chronological stages in the liturgical veneration of St Eusebius Three fundamental stages may be identified in the liturgical veneration of Eusebius as recorded in the sources used at Vercelli Cathedral: the period from the Middle Ages to 1575, the period from the reform of the Eusebian Rite by Bishop Bonomi in 1575 to the end of the nineteenth century, and finally the ‘restoration’ of the office by Ferretti and approved by Pothier in 1908.2 From the Middle Ages to 1575. Gionata Brusa has identified in the manuscript Vc64 the most ancient witness from Vercelli Cathedral, containing the office of the patron saint entirely notated with diastematic neumes; it is an Antiphonarium-Hymnarium (pars aestiva) of the twelfth/thirteenth century (terminus post quem 1173), written by the same copyist who wrote the pars hyemalis, ms. Vc70.3 Other essential witnesses, indicated and described by Gionata Brusa,4 are: – Vc62, a liturgical miscellany containing on fols. 222v-293v (part VII), an Antiphonarium Officii et Missae (Vercelli, end of eleventh century, adiastematic notation for some chants only), a Tonarium and a TropariumSequentiarium. This is the most ancient musico-liturgical source5 from Vercelli, hence an important reference point for the tradition of the Eusebius formulary (order of liturgical items) and textual readings at this early period. Just one chant is partially notated, the first antiphon of Lauds, O quanta est res miranda (the melody corresponds to that of later Vercelli sources in diastematic notation, see Figure 1 and Example 1). – Vc37, Antiphonarium, Vercelli, first half of the thirteenth century, diastematic notation. – Vc79, Antiphonarium, Vercelli, thirteenth century, diastematic notation. – VcA, a bifolio from an Antiphonarium monasticum, Vercelli, second half of or late thirteenth century, diastematic notation; although fragmentary, this witness is very important because it is the only monastic source known at present. – Vc151, a portable Breviarium “secundum usum ecclesiae Vercellensis” with integrated Hymnarium, fourteenth century, copied for a canon and/or rector of a church of Vercelli and not notated. – Vc53, Liber Ordinarius of Vercelli Cathedral (Sant’Eusebio), 1372; although not notated, the manuscript provides important information, not only about the structure of the formulary at this chronological point, but also about the performing conventions of the time.6 2. For the purpose of this essay, sources in the Biblioteca Capitolare, Vercelli (I-VCd) are referred to by the abbreviation Vc. A full list of sources appears at the end of the essay. 3. Antiphonarium-Hymnarium including two tonaries and a musical treatise, Vercelli Cathedral, twelfththirteenth centuries (terminus post quem 1173), the same copyist as that of Vc64, diastematic notation, see Aimasso 2012, which includes a CD-ROM containing a reproduction of the whole manuscript. 4. Publication of a catalogue of the liturgical-musical manuscripts of the Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana of Vercelli is in preparation. Brusa 2006 is a catalogue of 21 manuscripts, including Vc146, Vc161 and Vc162. 5. See Brusa 2009a, including a CD-ROM with complete index of the manuscript. For the notation of the troper see Baroffio 2011b, esp. 108. 374 Figure 1 Vc62 fol. 268r b 6. The manuscript has been studied and published by Gionata Brusa: see Brusa 2009b, from which the texts cited in this paper are taken. For the office of St Eusebius see in particular 221-226. 375 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE – Vc193, Breviarium “secundum usum ecclesiae Vercellensis” with integrated Hymnarium, fourteenth-fifteenth century, copied for a canon and/or rector of a church of Vercelli (San Martino in Lagatesco?), not notated. – Vc211, printed Breviarium “secundum ritum curie Vercellensis” with integrated Hymnarium, 1504, not notated. From the reform of the Eusebian Rite by Bishop Bonomi in 1575 to the end of the 1800s. Giovanni Francesco Bonomi – born in Cremona in 1536, bishop of Vercelli from 1572 to 1579, consecrated in 1573 by Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, died in Liège in 1587 – in accordance with the Counter-reformation movement after the Council of Trent, reformed the so-called ‘Eusebian Rite’, adopting the Breviarium Romanum of Pius V in 1575. The respective synodal decree focused on some of Vercelli’s own offices, foremost among which was that of the patron saint, and announced a new edition under the approval of the Holy See: In addition, the following source was also compared: – Iv106, Antiphonarium Eporediense, eleventh century (CAO E 102 8),7 a wellknown witness from a neighbouring area. 7. The notation shows French influence: see Siekierka 2009 and Baroffio 2011b, in particular 103, note 9: “Il graduale ms LX e l’antifonario ms CVI di Ivrea sono stati senza dubbio copiati per la sede eporediese. Non è, tuttavia, possibile definire con certezza i particolari redazionali: i due libri sono stati scritti ad Ivrea da una mano locale? Da una mano formatasi a Pavia? Oppure sono stati redatti a Pavia su indicazioni precise del clero d’Ivrea? Sono forse l’ultima traccia periferica di una notazione franco-occidentale sopravvissuta in area bretone, ma un tempo estesa anche nella Padania? È certo che nei secoli successivi – senza raggiungere l’importanza e la mole di lavoro realizzato a Bologna tra XIV e XV secolo – Pavia è stato un centro di produzione liturgica che ha fornito i libri ad alcune Chiese settentrionali come Acqui e Intra in Piemonte”. See also Brusa 2014b, 81-83 and Deuffic 2011, 79-80. 8. See Brusa 2014a, in particular 430-433, 439-442 and notes 7-8. 9. Canon from 1454/1455 to 1492. Subsequently, the Breviarium passed into the hands of Francesco de Pelliaco, chaplain of one of the altars of the cathedral. In 1565 it was donated to the Cathedral, where it remained for a long time. Documentary evidence records that it was available on the antique market in 1955. See Ferraris 1995, 263 note 388 and the first non-numbered table. 10. Not yet digitized for the project e-codices – Virtuelle Handschriftenbibliothek der Schweiz (as of July 27, 2017). 11. See Cantino Wataghin 1997, in particular 24-26 and note 8. 376 THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Officium autem proprium de Sancto Eusebio Episcopo, et martyre, huius ecclesiae Vercellensis patrono, quod octo statis diebus, ex eiusdem ecclesiae consuetudine agitur, pie et agi, et retineri sancimus ad ritus Romani praescriptum. Idemque de Sanctorum, Honorati, Aemyliani, et Petri, Episcoporum Vercellensium, ac de Dedicationis Ecclesiae nostrae cathedralis, quae mirabiliter ac divinitus facta est, officiis, statuimus ac decernimus. Quod omne ut rectius praestetur, ea praecipua de illis sanctis, et Dedicatione officia, per nos de peritorum, piorumque hominum consilio accurate recognita, riteque conformata, ubi primum sanctae Sedis Apostolicae auctoritate comprobata erunt, in lucem edenda curabimus.12 Other witnesses which have not yet been scrutinized are: – Vc43, Breviarium, Vercelli, church of San Pietro della Ferla (the church, once situated very close to the Cathedral, does not exist anymore), 1389 (copyist Antonio Rasino).8 – Vc40, Psalterium-Hymnarium, Cathedral of Vercelli, fifteenth century; it contains the text of two hymns of the office of St Eusebius, for Matins, Aulae caelestis gloriae, and Lauds, Hic natus de Sardinia, respectively. – G29, Breviarium with Calendarium of a canon of Vercelli Cathedral, Aimo de Pelliaco,9 second half of the fifteenth century.10 – Vc215, Liber Ordinarius of Santa Maria Maggiore of Vercelli, third to last quarter of the sixteenth century (1570 or 1573); the comparison with Vc53 may be interesting not only because they are manuscripts with the same liturgical typology, both of Vercelli, separated chronologically by two centuries, but also because Santa Maria Maggiore was the first cathedral of Vercelli; the church of Sant’Eusebio, situated close by, superseded it around the middle of the tenth century. Conflict between the two churches continued for a long time, and there were still traces of it in the seventeenth century.11 – The cultural operation promoted in the last quarter of the sixteenth century was quite unique; the observance of the instructions of the Council of Trent provided the opportunity to renew completely even the most individual, and therefore deeply ingrained, traditions. Monsignor Bonomi modified some elements of Vercelli usage in favour of Roman customs, but at the same time initiated a renewal of a tradition special to Vercelli. All the arts were involved in this cultural renewal, albeit at different levels: it was at this historic moment that what remained of the medieval cathedral was destroyed and replaced, including the choir and presbytery. During the work, in February 1581, the remains of the patron saint were found, arousing further interest in the holy man. New publications about his life and works appeared in abundance.13 As early as 1581 Bonomi went to great lengths to organize a solemn translation of relics in the presence of the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emmanuel I, and the Archbishop of Milan. However, various unforeseen events prevented this happening and the translation did not take place until 1805. It has so far proven difficult to find sources for the new office of St Eusebius dating back to Bonomi’s time, though it is very likely that the office was created 12. See Bonhomius 1575, in particular 38-39. 13. I cite in particular three collections provided by two bishops of Vercelli, Bonomi himself and Giovanni Stefano Ferrero (Biella 1568-1610), bishop of Vercelli from 1599: 1) Bonhomius 1581; 2) Ferrerius 1602; 3 Ferrerius 1609 (see the full titles in the Bibliography below). For further editions and details about these publications and their importance in historical and hagiographic criticism, see Zangara 1997. 377 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE under Bonomi’s supervision. Indeed, the texts of the new hymns are already given in Bonomi’s publication of 1581. These are the hymns for First and Second Vespers and Lauds Iam sol recurrit aureus and Matins Hostium quae vis potuit dolusve.14 Bishop Ferrero’s publication of 1609 attributes the first of these hymns to Bonomi and the second to Cardinal M. Antonio Bobba, and provides a third hymn between the other two, Dive quem summis precibus rogamus, also ascribed to Bobba. So far the liturgical position of this third hymn has not been determined.15 These sources remained in use until the restoration of Gregorian chant at the beginning of the twentieth century. Thanks to the information and collaboration of Gionata Brusa and Vittorio Orrù, it has been possible to find in Cagliari a copy of the office of St Eusebius copied from VcLit26 and produced in Vercelli in 1886: Five sources for the new office have so far been discovered: – Vc1672, Officium s. Eusebii episcopi, et martyris, ac patroni Vercellen. Aliorumque Sanctorum, quorum memoria peculiari Officio a S. Ecclesia Vercellen. celebrari consuevit (Vercellis: typis Nicolas Hiacinthi Mariae impress. Epis. Superior permissu, 1672), not notated. This edition provides in detail all the texts necessary for the liturgy. Starting in 1699 the cathedral created a new corpus of codices to meet the needs of the whole chanted liturgy (Mass and Office). The volumes were produced with a partially manual printing technique that involved the application by hand of three separate stencils to each single page, one for the text, the second for the square notation and the third for the decoration. Two volumes are of interest here: – VcLit26, “Officium s. Eusebii” et aliorum sanctorum, Vercelli Cathedral, 1699, square notation;16 – VcLit25, Kyriale-Vesperale, Vercelli Cathedral, not dated but coeval with the remainder of the series, 1699-1700, square notation. It contains two commemoration antiphons for Eusebius. 14. They replace Regi polorum debitas (First Vespers), Aulae caelestis gloria (Matins), Hic natus de Sardinia (Lauds), Praesul insignis martyr Eusebi (Second Vespers) as attested in the Breviarium of 1504 (Vc211), as already observed in Mele 1999. 15. For a transcription of these three hymns from the collection of Ferrero in 1609 (144-148) see Capellino 1996, 355-361; see also Zangara 1997, 283 and note 98. It should be noted that Capellino reports two other texts, describing them as ancient hymns (this statement requires clarification): Omnis orbis Eusebii preclara festa celebret, on pp. 351-353, is actually a sequence attested in mss. Vc161 (fol. 128v) and Vc162 (fol. 190r-v), but present also in Vc146 (fol. 108r); Tunc Palatini comites, on pp. 363-365 (text also taken from Ferrero’s collection of 1609, 149, and attributed by him to an Eusebian breviary) corresponds to the last two stanzas, thus presumably a divisio, of Regi polorum debitas (see AH 22, p. 82 no. 133), the hymn used for First Vespers (see note 14 above) and already attested in Antiphonarium-Hymnarium of the twelfth-thirteenth century Vc64 (incipit not notated, fol. 122r). 16. 378 Found since the publication of Vitale 2014. – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI – Ca, “Officium s. Eusebii”, made for the Cagliari Cathedral in 1886, handwritten and signed by Giovanni Bottero, beneficed minor canon of Vercelli Cathedral, square notation.17 Relations between the metropolitan churches of Vercelli and Cagliari were renewed through the centuries from the beginning of the 1600s, though based on two unfounded hypotheses. One, put forward in 1598, was that St Restituta, a martyr venerated in Cagliari, was the mother of St Eusebius; the other legend held that the Black Madonna venerated in the cathedral of the Sardinian town had been brought there by St Eusebius himself. It is certainly true that relics of St Eusebius were donated by two bishops of Vercelli in 1613 (a solemn ceremony in Cagliari in 1617) and again in 1794.18 In 1885 (the year of the process of canonization of Lucifer, Eusebius’ companion) the Chapters of Cagliari and Vercelli were twinned, and this is supposed to have been the occasion for the gift of the office of the saint written by Bottero, the ms. Ca. That it is a copy taken from codex VcLit26 is evident, not only from its content. though a comparison of texts and melodies, but also from the insertion on the frontispiece of the copy (Ca) of the date inscribed in the exemplar (VcLit26), “1699”. Finally, an eighteenth-century edition should be noted: – Vc1736, Rituale Vercellense ex Prisco Ritu Eusebiano, Eminentiss., & Reverendiss. D. D. Caroli Vincentii Cardinalis Ferrerii Vercellen. Ecclesiae Episcopi jussu ad fidem veterum autographorum revocatum, et restitutum (Novariae: ex Typographia Jo. Bartholomaei Caballi, Impress. Episcopalis, MDCCXXXVI). In the context of the processional ceremonies on the third day of the Rogations (the Wednesday before the Ascension), two chants of the medieval Eusebius office are included – the prolix responsory Sanctus Eusebius ex Sardinia and the antiphon O meritum sublime – to be chanted respectively on leaving the church of San Luca (the last station) and at the entrance to the cathedral.19 The Rituale, not noted, provides references to the pages of the processional where one can find the melodies: “Lib. Process. 17. See Orrù 2007-2008, 47-65. 18. See Capellino 1996, xLVIII-xLIx. 19. See pp. 94-95; in the rubric that accompanies the antiphon, the instruction in the text is “In egressu autem Ecclesiae Sancti Eusebii canitur Antiphona”; “egressu” is an error for “introitu”. 379 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES fol. 13” and “Lib. Process. fol. 16”. These references correspond to Vc232, Processionale (pars aestiva),20 Vercelli Cathedral, fifteenth century, square notation, fols. 13v-14r and 16r-17r, where the chants are, however, inserted in a different formulary, the procession on the eve of the feast of the patron saint, which also prescribes the antiphon Adest namque beati Eusebii: “In Vigilia s. Eusebii ad Sanctam Trinitatem cum silentio redeundo dicitur R. Sanctus Eusebius ex Sardinia […]. In introitu Ecclesie A. Adest namque beati Eusebii […]. Alia A. O meritum sublime.” (fols. 15r-16r) The office ‘restored’ by Ferretti and approved by Pothier in 1908. In the early months of 1907 the decision was taken by the Chapter of Vercelli Cathedral to reform the choir (Cappella) in the light of the dispositions of the Motu proprio of Pius X (22 November 1903). The resolutions are recorded in the Chapter Acts of those years. This led, with some conflicts and misunderstandings, to the dissolution of the choir and the removal of its master, Geremia Piazzano, and to its re-establishment in 1909 under the supervision of Raffaele Casimiri, as a reformed Cappella by decree of Archbishop Teodoro Valfré of Bonzo. It was accompanied by two new institutions: the Schola of clerics of the seminary and the Schola of young lay boys. Paolo Ferretti played an important part in this matter. He was sent to Vercelli in July 1907 at the suggestion of three notable figures: Lorenzo Perosi, then master of the Sistine Chapel, Antonio Rella, his vice-master, and Angelo De Santi, member of the Sacred Congregation of Rites responsible for sacred music. Ferretti, as well as writing a report for the Chapter on the state of the Cappella, restored the liturgical offices, including that of St Eusebius, for the use of the cathedral. The Biblioteca Capitolare preserves both Ferretti’s autograph, ms. VcF, dated 22 September 1908, and the printed copy in large format produced under Ferretti’s supervision. This large copy (VcSn), recently rediscovered, is not dated and does not have a shelf mark. – VcF, Officia Propria Sanctorum Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Vercellensis cum cantu gregoriano, revisa atque adprobata a R. mo P. Abate D. Iosepho Pothier O.S.B. Commissionis Romanae pro Editione Vaticana Praeside, Paolo M. Ferretti’s signature, Parma, 22 September 1908, square notation. – VcSn, Officia Propria Sanctorum Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Vercellensis cum cantu gregoriano, revisa atque adprobata a R. mo P. Abbate D. Iosepho Pothier O.S.B. Commissione Romanae pro Editione Vaticana Praeside, Cathedral of Vercelli, s. d. (terminus post quem 1908), square notation. 20. 380 For a description of this witness and the inventory of the contents, see Baroffio and Kim 2008. VITALE – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI An initial assessment Comparison of the textual and musical content of the sources documented above inspires a number of reflections. The origin of the office. Although the oldest preserved musical witness to the Eusebius office is Iv106, from Ivrea or Pavia, there seems no reason to doubt that the chants were composed in Vercelli. Significantly, Iv106 omits some items found only in Vercelli: the three antiphons In Evangelio Magna nobis est, Vir Eusebius paradisum and Venite omnes gentes laetamini […] Eusebius),21 documented not only in Vc64, Vc37, and Vc79,22 but also in the older Vc62. All this supports the Vercelli origin of the proper office of St Eusebius (see Table 1, pp. 382-386). Though fragmentary, VcA (the only Vercelli source following the cursus monasticus), provides us with an important clue (see Tables 1-3, pp. 382-388). The insertion of a prolix responsory taken from the Common of a Martyr, Hic est vere martyr, in the Third Nocturn confirms the origin of the office in the secular sphere and its subsequent adaptation to monastic usage. This adaptation seems also to involve the distribution of the antiphons, certainly in the Third Nocturn, perhaps also in Second Vespers. There is no variation in Lauds, not even in the Benedictus antiphon. One of the antiphons In Evangelio, Gaudete omnes de piissimo, was chosen as the antiphon Ad Cantica of the Third Nocturn, while the other witnesses are unanimous in their choice of the three psalm antiphons. At Second Vespers, VcA gives the antiphon Nobili ortus23 for all the psalms together, and Magna nobis est for the Magnificat antiphon. Vc64, Vc151, Vc53, and Vc211, by contrast, give O quantum est res miranda and Adest namque respectively. (Vc62, Vc37, Vc79, and Iv106 have no formulary for Second Vespers.) So there seems little doubt that Vercelli Cathedral was the place of origin and the centre of diffusion of the proper office of St Eusebius. 21. Strictly speaking, only the first two antiphons should be regarded as proper chants for Eusebius, the third has a text which can be adapted for any saint by a change of name: Venite, omnes gentes, laetamini gaudio magno, quia pastor noster rutilat Eusebius signis in praeclaris. Iv106 prescribes this antiphon for St Invenzio (Yventius), bishop of Pavia (CAO 5355). 22. In Vc79 the antiphon Venite omnes gentes laetamini […] Eusebius is inserted together with other antiphons in an addendum by another hand on fol. 190v; a recall of the incipit is given by yet another hand, at the end of the formulary for St Eusebius (fol. 126r), in the right margin. 23. This antiphon is attested in cathedral sources for First Vespers (mss. Vc64 and Vc53) and also in the First Nocturn (mss. Vc62, Vc64, Vc37, Vc79, Vc151). 381 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Table 1. Antiphons24 25 26 27 Antiphons Vc64 Vc151 Vc53 VcLit26 VcF VcSn x In Vigilia Prima A = L-A1 x x In Vigilia Tertia A = L-A2 x x In Vigilia Sexta A = L-A3 x x In Vigilia Nona A = L-A5 x x 1V 3A = N1-A1, A2, A3 1V 5A = L-A1, A2, A3, A4, A5 1V 5A = L-A1, A2, A3, A4, A5 x Antiphons Modes x x x Iv106 = CAO E Vc62 Vc151 Vc53 Vc64 Vc37 Vc79 x x 1 1V Am Adest namque 1V Am Hodie beati Eusebii diem natalem24 M Inv Regem regum dominum CAO 1146 x x N1 A1 Nobili ortus ex progenie Sardorum CAO 3886 x x N1 A1 Arianis impietatibus N1 A2 Baptizatus beatus Eusebius N1 A2 Sanctos patres secutus beatus Eusebius N1 A3 Hic instructus sapientia N1 A3 Dignus qui spectaretur N2 A4 Congaudebat populus N2 A4 Gubernaculum fidei N2 A5 Orantibus populis pontifex N2 A5 Regem gloriae constanter N2 A6 Sicut fortis adleta N2 A6 In patientia voluntatem dei N3 A7 Beatus Eusebius coram Constantio N3 A7 Vir sapiens plebem suam N3 A8 Vinctis manibus retrorsum N3 A8 Accedens ad servitutem dei CAO 1265 CAO 3073 25 x x x x 2 x 8 CAO 4183 x x 1 CAO 4933 x x 8 27 VcF, VcSn: Hodie beati Eusebii natalem diem. 25. Iv106: Hinc instructus sapientia. 26. VcSn: Gubernacula fidei. 27. Vc79: Vinctis manibus post tergum (m.o.?) / Vinctis manibus retrorsum (a.m.?). CAO 5426 x x x 3 2 2 1 3 4 1 8 5 7 8 5 7 7 2 1 4 8 6 1 x x 1 1 CAO 1885 CAO 1625 VcF VcSn 1 26 24. 382 CAO 1555 x VcLit26 8 1 383 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Antiphons N3 A9 Hunc virum sanctum N3 A9 Sectatus iustitiam Modes Iv106 = CAO E Vc62 Vc151 CAO 3149 x x Vc53 Vc64 Vc37 Vc79 L A1 O quantum est res miranda A1 Beatus Eusebius ad dei L A2 Dum ad heresim Arrianorum L A2 Vercellarum episcopus creatus L A3 Transacto vero flumine L A3 Arianorum sceleribus L A4 Pater sanctus dum ad urbem L A4 Plenitudine evangelicae lectionis L A5 Loris ligatus sanctus dei pontifex L A5 L Aev / O meritum sublime Ab 30 L Ab Triumphatorem suum Athanasium […] alleluia Aev Aev Adest namque Aev Aev / Gaudete omnes de piissimo A31 Aev Aev x 1 Aev Aev / Vir Eusebius paradisum A33 x 8 Aev Aev / Venite omnes gentes letamini […] Eusebius A34 x 835 CAO 4072 CAO 2434 x x x x x x x 3 CAO 4244 x x 4 CAO 3637 x x 8 x x x 8 1 8 8 5 7 3 2 1 5 1 8 1 CAO 1265 x 1 Vc64, Vc79 CAO 2933 x 1 Magna nobis est huius beati Eusebii 32 8 1 CAO 5171 CAO 4041 3 1 Fidei illum confessio 29 VcF VcSn 8 L 28 VcLit26 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 28. Iv106, Vc62: O quanta est res miranda. 29. «In evangelio»: Iv106, Vc62, Vc64 e Vc79. 30. Vc37, Vc151, Vc53. 31. Vc37. 32. Vc64: Magna nobis est huius diei beati Eusebii; Vc37: Magna nobis est huius beatissimi Eusebii. 33. Vc37. 34. Vc37. 35. Vc79: vide supra note 19. 384 35. Vc79: vide supra note 22. 385 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Vc64 Vc151 Vc53 VITALE VcLit26 VcF VcSn – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Table 2. Responsoria prolixa Prima A = L-A1 x x Tertia A = L-A2 x x Sexta A = L-A3 x x Nona A = L-A5 x x N1 R1 Sanctus Eusebius ex Sardinia 2V A1-536 O quantum est = L-A1 x x N1 R1 Beatus Eusebius Christi domini 2V 5A = 1V (= L-A1, A2, A3, A4, A5) N1 R2 Dum floreret vir beatus Eusebius 2V Am Adest namque = 1V N1 R2 Orta Arianorum perfidia 2V Am Hodie beati Eusebii = 1V N1 R3 Orta perfidia N1 R3 Scalarum proclivi tractu N2 R4 Erat autem tunc Vercellis N2 R4 Christo in carne passo N2 R5 Regebat namque catholice N2 R5 Hic fidei catholicae magister N2 R6 Factum est consilium N2 R6 Bonum certamen N3 R7 Trahebatur per gradus ab Arrianis CAO 7775 N3 R7 Vigilans fidei cultor N3 R8 O quantus erat fletus N3 R8 Vir iste ut fortis athleta N3 R9 Beatus Eusebius pontifex Varia x Responsoria prolixa x x x x x Antiphons x x VcLit26 VcF VcSn 2 8 Aev Orta Arianorum perfidia beatus Eusebius Translatio s. Eusebii, Dominica ultima Iulii Am Beati Eusebii translationem celebramus = Beati Eusebii commemorationem 7 In Officio votivo s. Eusebii Am Beati Eusebii commemorationem celebramus = Beati Eusebii translationem 7 Triumphatorem suum Athanasium = L-Ab 8 Ab Iv106 Vc62 Vc151 Vc64 Vc37 Vc79 CAO 7611 x 1 CAO 6542 CAO 7342 x x x x x VcLit26 VcF VcSn 1 1 2 8 8 4 8 7 1 5 1 2 5 6 5 3 4 2 Modes Ordinatio s. Eusebii, die XV Decembris In Officio votivo s. Eusebii Modes CAO 6661 CAO 7520 CAO 6712 x x x x x x x x 7 2 2 2 36 36. 386 CAO 7294 CAO 6208 x x x x 4 I Quinque psalmi sub una antiphona. 387 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE Table 3. Cursus monasticus, cursus saecularis † acephalus / mutilus * incipit Medieval textual and musical tradition. Textual and musical comparisons allow one to verify the constancy of the medieval tradition. The greatest musical deviation is found between local Vercelli sources and Iv106, but this may be because of the temporal distance – almost two centuries – between Iv106 and the diastematic manuscripts of Vercelli, rather than to geographical separation (though the latter reason is also possible). It has not yet been possible to analyze in depth the relationship between chant texts and hagiographical writings. The latter present a complex picture. There are three Lives: the so-called Vita antiqua (BHL 2748-2749) and two short Lives (BHL 2750 and BHL 2751)38 – and several sermons. Their transmission involves taking into consideration several Vercelli legendaria.39 The relationship between the cycle of the chants and the lections in the office should also be evaluated. A first inspection enables us to affirm the direct provenance of all the lections of the nocturns from the Vita antiqua – although selected differently in Vc151 and Vc211 – and of numerous chants. From the synopsis provided in Table 4,40 we can make two important observations: Cursus monasticus - VcA Cursus saecularis <N2> R<8> Factum est consilium † 1r = N2-R6 <N2> VR<8> Nec muneribus. Cum Dionysio 1r <N3> A Gaudete omnes de piisimo “Ad cantica antiphona” 1r = Aev <N3> ctc Beatus vir qui in sapientia* 1r <N3> R<9> Trahebatur per gradus ab Arrianis † 1r = N3-R7 <N3> VR<9> Vinctis manibus post tergum. Et unitatem † 1v <N3> R<10> Hic est vere <martyr>* (CAO 6830, Commune unius martyris) 1v <N3> R<11> O quantus erat fletus 1v = N3-R8 <N3> VR<11> Euntes ibant et flebant. Et flebant 1v <N3> R<12> Beatus Eusebius pontifex 1v = N3-R9 <N3> VR<12> Beatus Eusebius in terris † 1v L A1 O quantum est † 2r = L-A1 L A2 Dum ad haeresim Arrianorum † 2r = L-A2 L A3 Transacto vero flumine † 2r = L-A3 L A4 Pater sanctus dum ad urbem † 2r = L-A4 L A5 Loris ligatus sanctus dei pontifex † 2v = L-A5 L Ab O meritum sublime † 2v = L-Ab 2V A Nobili ortus* 2v = N1-A1 / 1V-A1 (Vc64, Vc53) 2V Am Magna nobis est † 2v = Aev – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI 1) The order of the chants does not always correspond to the progression of events in the hagiographic text. For example, the Third Antiphon of the First Nocturn, Hic instructus sapientia, and the Second Responsory of the same Nocturn, Dum floreret, both refer to the same passage in the Vita antiqua, but in reversed order of the original phrases. 2) The link between the chant texts and the Vita antiqua sources from northeast Italy and from Vercelli seems clear, highlighted by the First Antiphon of the Second Nocturn, Congaudebat populus hunc virum. The legendaries mss. Vc77, Vc73, Vc45, and Vc12,41 all include the lection Congaudebat populus, rather than the Iudicabant omnes in the edition of the Vita antiqua made by Ughelli. 38. See Saxer 1997, in particular 144-152. The mass. The formulary of the mass, though it underwent changes down through the centuries, had no proper texts apart from the trope Adsunt ecce clara festa for the Introit In virtute tua (solely in Vc53 “In solemnitate”) and two sequences: Flagrans morum novitate (only in Vc53 “In Octava”), and Omnis orbis Eusebii preclara festa celebret.37 37. AH 40 no. 206, p. 182. This sequence has been incorrectly cited as a hymn; see note 15 above and Brusa 2009b, 61 and notes 12-13. 388 39. I am grateful to Gionata Brusa for allowing me to use his collation of four witnesses of the Vita antiqua from Vercelli with the text published by Ughelli. For a codicological description of the codices conserved in Vercelli (sixteen manuscripts in the Biblioteca Capitolare and twelve fragments distributed in the Capitolare, the Archivio Storico Civico and the Archivio di Stato), mostly from Vercelli, see Brusa 2016. 40. Here only the chants in which there is substantial derivation from the Vita antiqua are reported, ignoring the smallest correspondences or parallelisms. On the left-hand page is the reading of Vc62, the most ancient witness of the office from Vercelli. On the right-hand page is the edition of the Vita antiqua taken from Ughellus 1719, coll. 749-761 (see also Capellino 1996, 301-319), with the same publishing criteria. The significant variants from the mss. Vc77, Vc73, Vc45 e Vc12 are taken, by kind permission, from the unpublished synopsis of Gionata Brusa (see previous note). The table respects the progression of the hagiographic text. Significant correspondences between Vc62 and the Vita antiqua by Ughelli are given in cursive; chant incipits are printed bold; significant correspondences between Vc62 and the Legendaries Vc77, Vc73, Vc45, Vc12 are underlined. 41. Respectively Vc77 northeast Italy, the first half of the twelfth century, Vc73 northeast Italy, the first half of the twelfth century, Vc45 northeast Italy, mid twelfth century, Vc12 Vercelli, late twelfth century (after 1189); see Brusa 2016, in particular 105, 111, 125, 130. 389 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 5657 58 59 60 61 62 Hesbert was clearly not able to consult the Vita antiqua and its Vercelli sources. In CAO he relies on the Sanctuarium by Mombrizio, where only the second of the two short Lives (BHL 2751)42 is indicated. The citations are therefore not textual but generic. Table 4. Office and vita 43 44 45 46 47 48 Legenda: see note 40 p. 389 Officium Vita Antiqua Vc62 Ughelli N1 A1 Nobili ortus ex progenie Sardorum Romam petiit ibique nobilior fide et piissimus factus est nomine beatus Eusebius. […] nobili quidem ortus 43 ex progenie Sardorum, Romam petiit, ibique nobilior secunda regeneratione fide factus à beato Papa Eusebio, et piissimo suo nomine vocatus est Eusebius. N1 R2 [incipit, vide infra explicit] Dum floreret vir beatus 44 Eusebius fide Christi et opere fit lector ecclesiae romanae […]. N1 A3 Hic instructus sapientia artium liberalium sacram scripturam Romae nobiliter intellexit et docuit. N1 R2 [explicit] […] ecclesiae romanae et quod corde credidit verbis edocuit et opere complevit. Diuque in urbe Roma degens45 sicut fidelis et prudens dispensator domino servivit. N2 A4 Congaudebat populus46 beatum Eusebium meritis et dictis virum deo dignissimum.47 […] Dum floreret vero beatus vir Eusebius fide Christi, et opere, instructus est sapientia artium liberalium, et sacram scripturam intelligens docebat: […]. […] Quod enim corde credidit, verbis edocuit, operibus complevit. Diu itaque in Urbe degens Romana, hujus ministerii dispensator fidelis, et prudens Domino servivit: judicabant omnes hunc virum beatissimum Eusebium meritis, et dictis Domino dignissimum, libenter ejus monita audientes ab omnibus glorificabatur. N2 A5 Orantibus populis pontifex sacratus est beatus Eusebius a Iulio summo pontifice. N2 A6 Sicut fortis adlaeta48 Vercellis missus est Eusebius ad dextruendam heresim Arrianorum. […] Tunc orantibus populis, Pontifex sacratus est B. Eusebius à Julio summo Pontifice, et sicut athleta fortis bravium superni muneris expectans, belligerare coepit contra falsidicos Arrianos; […]. N1 R3 Orta perfidia secte Arrianorum tempore Constantii scelerati imperatoris49 stola pontificali iste sanctus Eusebius sacratus a Iulio summo pontifice atque ad dextruendam50 ipsam heresim Vercellas [m.s.: Vercellis; m.o. incipit responso a latere: Vercellis]51 dirigitur a qua peste et urbem et totum52 liberavit orbem. N2 R4 Erat autem tunc 53 Vercellis nobilissima civitas opibus fecunda sed Arrii peste foedata in qua urbe sanctus Eusebius pontificalem tenuit sedem et fidem catholicam edocuit. N2 R5 Regebat namque catholice beatus Eusebius non solum Vercellensem urbem sapientiam et fidem rectam praedicans verum et vicinarum civitatum ordinationes rectas in episcopiis54 peragens eis fidem rectam tribuebat. V. Tunc memorata civitas Vercellis fide recta et catholico pastore primatum Liguriae tenebat. Verum. […] Orta55 vero perfidia sectae Arrianorum, quae pene totum foedabat mundum, tempore jam dicti Constantii Imperii, […]. […] Sacratus autem stola Pontificali à Julio summo Pontifice, ad destruendam memoratam haeresim Vercellis dirigitur, à qua peste non solum urbem, sed totum liberavit orbem. Erat autem Vercellis nobilissima civitas opibus foecunda, arboribus ac vineis nemorosa, pascuis uberrima, aquis salubribus irrigua, sed Arriana peste foedata: in qua urbe S. Eusebius Pontificalem tenuit sedem, et eandem Catholicam fidem56 sapienter regebat; et non solum suae civitatis curam gerebat, fidem rectam ei57 praedicans; verum etiam sapienter vicinarum civitatum ordinationes rectas in Episcopis peragens, civitatibus fidem58 omnibus tribuebat: tunc enim rite sub tanto pastore sua civitas primatum tenebat, quae se, et alias circumcirca vicinas urbes, verae salutis unitatem fidei pascebat. N3 R7 Trahebatur per gradus ab Arrianis suppinus beatus Eusebius efracto capite59 illidentibus saxis sanguinem fundebat pro Christo et unitatem trinitatis fortiter clamabat.60 […] Erant autem ingentes scalae ipsius domus, unde trahebatur per hos scalarum gradus ab Arrianis supinus B. Eusebius, facie et capite illidentibus saxis per obliquos sinus lapidum sanguinem fundebat pro Christo, unitatem vero sanctae Trinitatis fortiter clamabat. […] L A5 Loris ligatus sanctus dei pontifex et martyr in exilio deportatus cum Dionisio et papa Liberio propter fidei unitatem. […] In ipso Concilio loris ligati sancti Dei 61 Pontifices,62 et martyres in exilium deportabantur cum Dionysio et Papa Liberio, propter fidei unitatem. 49. Vc12, Vc45, Vc77: Constantii imperatoris; Vc73: Constancii imperatoris. 50. Vc12, Vc45: dextruendam. 51. Vc12, Vc77: Vercellas; Vc45: Vercellas mittitur. Erat autem… 52. Vc12, Vc73, Vc77: sed et totum. 53. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73, Vc77: Erat autem tunc. 54. Vc12: ordinationes in Episcopiis. 55. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73, Vc77: Horta. 56. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73, Vc77: sedem et eam catholica fide. 57. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73, Vc77: ei rectam. 58. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73, Vc77: peragens, unitatis fidem. 59. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73: Eusebius et fracto capite; Vc77: Eusebius fracto capite. 42. See Mombritius 1910, 460-463. 43. Vc12, Vc73, Vc77: hortus. 44. Vc12, Vc77: vir beatus. 45. Vc12, Vc45, Vc73, Vc77: Diuque in urbe Roma degens. 46. Vc12, Vc45, Vc77: Congaudebat populus; Vc73: Congaudebat ergo populus hoc viro beatissimo Eusebio. 60. Vide etiam N3 A7: Beatus Eusebius coram Constantio imperatore in consilio Mediolanensi unitatem trinitatis fortiter clamabat. 47. Vc12, Vc45, Vc77: deo dignissimum; Vc73: deo dignissimo. 61. Vc12, Vc77: ligati sunt dei. 48. Vc12: adleta; Vc45, Vc77: adlaeta. 62. Vc73: pontifices in exilium. 390 391 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE Some peculiarities. The Vercelli tradition of the office of St Eusebius confirms the methodological criteria repeatedly applied by Giacomo Baroffio. The study of the proper formularies for a saint cannot be restricted to the items for the Dies natalis but must take into account the relevant liturgical materials for the whole year. Accordingly, we may identify the distinctive features of the liturgy of Vercelli as follows. By means of the edition of the Liber Ordinarius of the cathedral, Vc53, we can see how a number of liturgical chants and customs connected to the Eusebius office would have remained ‘invisible’ if we had worked from the Dies natalis alone. For example, Vc53 does not spell out the individual chants of the three nocturns (it prescribes only the Te Deum), and of the antiphons of Lauds it names only the first, O quantum est miranda, together with the rubric “cum caeteris” and the incipits of the psalms. Despite this, we need not doubt that the cycle of the antiphons conforms with that proposed by the other witnesses. And in fact Vc53 prescribes this whole series of antiphons elsewhere: distributed two by two in the commemorations of the patron saint, to be performed at the end of Lauds and at the end of Vespers, each day of the week, from Sunday through Saturday, according to the usual pattern, antiphon – versicle – prayer. Thus the Liber Ordinarius of the cathedral is not only a witness to the performance of these antiphons, as it were ‘in the shadow’ in the formulary of the Dies natalis, but it also allows one to identify the best-known chants of this office (the fourteen antiphons), at least for the fourteenth century.63 Indeed the custom of commemorating St Eusebius every working day of the week refers to the whole year “nisi maius festum impediat”; the same holds for the votive mass, which was celebrated every Monday.64 Vc53 feels the need to reiterate these instructions, not only at the beginning of the manuscript, but also in several places later on. Those concerning the mass are found on the Monday after the first Sunday following the Octave of the Epiphany,65 after the Octave of Easter,66 after the Sunday after the Ascension, and after the Octave of Pentecost. The instructions for the commemorations are given in a number of places following the Octave of the Epiphany and the first Sunday after the Octave of Pentecost.67 Another particular custom documented in the Liber Ordinarius of the cathedral Vc53 and in the breviaries Vc151 and Vc211 (that is, from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries) is the Vigil office beginning at Prime rather than First Vespers; the antiphons used in the Minor Hours are taken from Lauds (with the exclusion, as is usual in such cases, of the fourth antiphon).68 In contrast, the number of antiphons and psalms for First Vespers is reduced, but only in sources from the cathedral, Vc64 (already between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries) and Vc53. They give only three (taken from the First Nocturn). It is not difficult to imagine the reason for this if one thinks of the full majesty of the rite in the cathedral. This foresaw a procession to the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, the chanting there of the ferial Vespers and two Commemorations, the re-entry into the cathedral in procession, singing the responsories of the feast day, and then the shortened feast-day Vespers. Moreover, the Liber Ordinarius informs us that the very same evening, the bishop and cathedral clergy, together with the provosts of the ancient parish churches – Casale Monferrato, Biella, Santhià, and Balzola – officiated firstly at Matins, which they would then chant again the following morning.69 At the end, the bishop would offer each of them half a litre of wine: “Et completo matutinali officio dominus episcopus debet eis dare sestarium optimi vini”. 63. As Gionato Brusa has pointed out, in Vc43, the Vercelli Breviarium from the church of San Pietro della Ferla, 1389 (shortly after Vc53), the same series of antiphons for the commemorations of St Eusebius is offered (list of incipits fol. 303r). 64. “Et nota quod omni feria secunda semper dicitur Missa de s. Eusebio, nisi festum habens legendam impediat, vel sit proprium offitium signatum, vel Octava duplex, vel quando fit de angelis a s. Michaele usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum.” (Vc53 fol. 2v b, rubric inserted in the Second Feria of the First Week of Advent.) – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Some observations on the hymns. In accordance with another methodological principle learned from Giacomo Baroffio, we should not neglect the ‘negative’ rubrics. Vc53 has one of these: “hymnus non dicitur” at both Matins and Lauds of the feast day. This indication was subsequently dropped: the hymns Aule caelestis gloria and Hic natus de Sardinia are attested in Vc40 (fifteenth century) and Vc11 (dated 1504), respectively. Vc53 provides other interesting indications about the singing of the hymns, particularly those sung at the Vigil. At Prime the hymn Iam lucis orto sidere must be sung “altissime” and to the melody of the hymn Veni redemptor gentium; moreover, it is enriched at the end by a special doxology: “Gloria tibi domine, gloria unigenite, ut precibus sancti Eusebii et caetera, et sic dicitur ad omnes hymnos per omnes horas usque ad Octavam. Et cantantur hymni in ista Vigilia tantum ad Primam, Tertiam, Sextam et Nonam in tono de Veni redemptor gentium, quod est in Vigilia Nativitatis Domini”.70 65. Vc53 fol. 18r a-b “Missa dicitur de s. Eusebio qualibet secunda feria usque ad Quadragesima, nisi festum quod habeat legendam vel proprium officium interveniat”. 68. 66. Vc53 fol. 39v a-b “Missa fit de s. Eusebio qualibet secunda feria per totam Resurrectionem nisi festum habens legendam vel proprium officium interveniat”. 69. In the evening the priests sang Matins all together with the bishop, the next morning the bishop sang Matins in the cathedral, each provost separately in his own church. 67. As well as the period of the week from Sunday to Saturday, they include the Vespers of the Saturday ante I Dominicam de Adventu, ante I Dominicam post Octavam Epiphaniae, ante Dominicam II post Octavam Pentecostes, the Vespers of the Dominica in Octava Pentecostes. 70. Nota bene: at Vespers, in Vigilia Nativitatis Domini, as already pointed out by Gionata Brusa, it is sung in simple polyphony: “hymnus Veni redemptor et debet tractari et sollempniter cantari, et totum officium similiter”. See Brusa 2009b, 29-30, esp. notes 14 and 15. 392 In fact, the fourth antiphon of Lauds is associated with a canticle and not a psalm. 393 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE At First Vespers the singing of the hymn Regi polorum, documented also in Vc64, Vc151, and Vc211, is assigned in Vc53 to two canons. At Second Vespers Vc53, like Vc151 and Vc211, prescribes the hymn Presul insigni; following that, on the days infra Octavam, Vc53 prescribes the alternation of the previous hymn with Regi polorum, while Vc151 calls only for the latter, of which it provides the complete and specially extended text, with the proper doxology already seen in Vc53: “Gloria tibi domine, gloria unigenite, ut precibus Eusebii possimus caelos perfrui. Amen”. The prolix responsories are distributed as follows: The melodies from the Middle Ages to the beginning of the 1900s. The melodies of both the antiphons and the prolix responsories of the medieval Eusebius office are not arranged numerically according to their modes, but show instead a certain inclination towards repetitiveness (see Tables 1-2): ModE 1 8 2/3/4 no. of antIphons 11 7 1 ModE 2 1/4 7 no. of rEsponsorIEs 4 2 1 One may note, in particular, the distribution of the antiphons in the nocturns: First Nocturn has three antiphons in mode 1; Second and Third Nocturn share the same modal scheme: 8 - 1 - 8. In the responsories, the Third Nocturn reverses the modal order of the First Nocturn: 1 - 4 - 2 / 2 - 4 - 1. Following Bonomi’s reform, the office was completely rewritten, both text and music. The only exception was the Invitatory antiphon Regem regum dominum venite (mode 2), taken from the Common of Martyrs, and this is the only chant that remains stable down through the centuries. Following Roman usage, the ninth responsory is dropped; the Te deum takes on a double role, as the chant after the ninth reading of the nocturn and as a final hymn of praise. This is confirmed by Vc1672, which source has the merit of providing the complete textual material of the office. There is now greater variety in the choice of mode. The nine antiphons of the nocturns are distributed among six modes; modes 2 and 6 are missing, modes 7 and 8 are repeated. For Lauds, the preference for modes 1 and 8 (two antiphons for each) re-emerges. ModE 1 5/8 2 THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI nuMbEr of rEsponsorIEs 3 2 1 The decisions made by Ferretti with the approval of Pothier in the name of a socalled ‘restoration’ of Gregorian chant are, to say the least, debatable. On the one hand, all the texts previously in use were maintained, while on the other hand all the melodies were replaced with others, on whose origin I cannot yet venture an opinion – though we may hypothesize the hand of Ferretti himself. As may be seen in Tables 1-2, not even the modality of the older chants is preserved (the only exceptions are the second antiphon of Lauds and the first responsory of the First Nocturn, but these melodies are completely different). Be that as it may, the nine antiphons of the nocturns are distributed among all eight modes, though not in progressive numerical order; mode 8 is used a second time for the last responsory. The same principle is followed for the eight responsories. An idea of the musical changes can be gained by a comparison of the melodies for the Magnificat antiphon Hodie Beati Eusebii (First and Second Vespers) in VcLit26 and VcF (Examples 2-3, p. 396);71 Ferretti might have reverted to the ancient tradition of Vercelli and restored the antiphon Adest namque beati Eusebii (Example 4, p. 397). That might possibly be considered a fulfilment of the programmatic objectives of the so-called Gregorian ‘restoration’. But he limits himself to replacing the melody in mode 1 of Hodie Beati Eusebii (Example 2) by another one in mode 3 (Example 3). And this has implications beyond the monodic repertory. For the Cappella Eusebiana Giovanni Antonio Bissoni (ca. 1646-1726)72 and Giuseppe Maria Vaccario (1704-1766) chose D minor for their polyphonic setting of this text, because of the mode 1 antiphon and the clear traditional Gregorian incipit. This polyphonic composition has remained in the repertoire even in the twentieth century, but it does not fit Ferretti’s restoration with its antiphon in mode 3. 71. Previously it was possible to compare only Ca with VcF, see Vitale 2014, music examples 1-2, pp. 21-22. Bottero’s copy (Ca) turns out, however, to follow its exemplar (VcLit26), although the syllabic distribution in Ca sometimes requires interpretation, since the melismas are notated mostly in dismembered forms. There are numerous ambiguities: at the beginning of the antiphon, for example, the isolated diamond on a syllable provided by Bottero on the ‘e’ of Hodie is obviously a copying error with respect to the original. Bottero preserves the graphic shape of the diamond, but not its correct position with respect to the text, where it should be, as is usual in late sources and as is confirmed by the exemplar VcLit26, on the penultimate syllable of a proparoxytone, in this particular case on the ‘i’ of Hodie. 72. 394 – See Vitale 2014, music example 5, p. 25. 395 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE Example 2. VcLit26 pp. 12-14 Example 4. Vc64 fol. 122r-v a.m. = alia mano Example 3. VcF p. 9 Example 5. Vc64 fol. 128v a.m. = alia mano 396 – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI 397 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE Example 6. Vc64 fol. 123r-v a.m. = alia mano This adds another interesting dimension to, and further justification for, the preparation of an edition of the office of St Eusebius in all its changing forms across the centuries. The recent finding of VcSn removes any doubts regarding the actual introduction in the cathedral of the office ‘restored’ by Ferretti. It was certainly an important source for Raffaele Casimiri in the short period in which he was maestro di cappella of the metropolitan cathedral of Vercelli (1909-1911);73 many of his compositions of that period are preserved, including a setting for six voices of the hymn Iam sol recurrit aureus for the patron saint.74 On closer consideration, however, if a ‘restoration’ of Gregorian chant did take place in Vercelli, it should be attributed first and foremost to Cardinal Carlo Vincenzo Maria Ferrero Thaon, bishop of Vercelli from 1729. It was he who was responsible for the edition in 1736 of the Rituale Vercellense ex Prisco Ritu Eusebiano, which we have discussed above, and in which two proper chants of the medieval office are included, though with altered liturgical assignments. These are the prolix responsory Sanctus Eusebius ex Sardinia and the antiphon O meritum sublime, the only chants that survived into the eighteenth century (the Rituale refers to the fifteenth-century Processionale Vc232). The comparison of two antiphons and a responsory, transcribed from Vc 64 (twelfth-thirteenth centuries, Examples 4-6) and from Vc 232 (fifteenth century), shows the constancy of the melodic tradition over time. Apart from the liquescent neumes and the syllabification of the diphthong Eu-sebii (at just one point in the responsory), there are few textual variants (mostly graphic) and melodic variants are rare. Moreover, some of readings in the Processionale Vc232 are already attested in Vc37 (first half of the thirteenth century, therefore a little later than Vc64), and sometimes in Vc64 itself by a later user (whose alterations sometimes make it difficult to reconstruct the original reading).75 Resolving the corrections made by this person in Vc64 will be one of the more difficult tasks in making the critical edition of the medieval office of St Eusebius. 73. 398 – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI For the events regarding his appointment as Chapel master see Vitale 2014, 12-14. 74. For a reproduction see Capellino 1996, 535-552. 75. Vc79 aligns sometimes with Vc64 and sometimes with Vc37. 399 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE Sources Vc62 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, LXII, Liturgical Miscellany containing at fols. 222v-293v (part VII) an Antiphonarium Officii et Missae, a Tonarium and a Troparium-Sequentiarium, Vercelli, end of eleventh century, adiastematic notation on only some chants. Vc64 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, LXIV, Antiphonarium-Hymnarium (pars aestiva), Cathedral of Vercelli, twelfth-thirteenth centuries (after 1173), diastematic notation, same copyist as of Vc70 (pars hyemalis). Vc70 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, LXX, Antiphonarium-Hymnarium (pars hyemalis) including two tonaries and a musical treatise, Cathedral of Vercelli, twelfththirteenth centuries (after 1173), diastematic notation, same copyist as of Vc64 (pars aestiva). Manuscripts – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Ca Cagliari, Archivio Capitolare, s. n., “Officium s. Eusebii”, 1886, handwritten and undersigned by Giovanni Bottero, minor canon benefice of the Cathedral of Vercelli, for the Cathedral of Cagliari, square notation. G29 Genève, Bibliothèque de Genève (olim Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire), Comites latentes 29, Breviarium with Kalendarium of a canon of the Cathedral of Vercelli, Aimo de Pelliaco, second half of fifteenth century. Iv106 Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare, CVI, Antiphonarium, Ivrea, eleventh century, adiastematic notation = CAO E. Vc73 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, LXXIII, Legendarium, northeast Italy, first half of twelfth century. VcA Vercelli, Archivio di Stato, Prefettura. Giudiziario. Fondo Antico, Mazzo 40 fasc. 1, 1577, fragment of Antiphonarium monasticum, Vercelli, second half or end of thirteenth century, diastematic notation. Vc77 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, LXXVII, Legendarium, northeast Italy, first half of twelfth century. VcF Vercelli, Archivio Capitolare, Sezione musicale, fasc. 1382, Officia Propria Sanctorum Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Vercellensis cum cantu gregoriano, revisa atque adprobata a R.mo P. Abate D. Iosepho Pothier O.S.B. Commissionis Romanae pro Editione Vaticana Praeside, with Paolo M. Ferretti’s signature, Parma, 22 September 1908, square notation. Vc79 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana LXXIX, Antiphonarium, Vercelli, thirteenth century, diastematic notation. Vc146 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CXLVI, Graduale-Troparium-Sequentiarium, Vercelli, first half of twelfth century, diastematic notation. Vc151 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CLI, portable Breviarium “secundum usum ecclesiae Vercellensis” with integrated Hymnarium, fourteenth century, copied for a canon and/or rector of a church of Vercelli. Vc161 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, XII, Legendarium, Vercelli, end of twelfth century (after 1189). Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CLXI, Graduale-Troparium-Sequentiarium, Vercelli, beginning of twelfth century, diastematic notation. Vc162 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, XXXVII, Antiphonarium, Vercelli, first half of thirteenth century, diastematic notation. Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CLXII, Graduale-Troparium-Sequentiarium, Vercelli, second half of twelfth century, diastematic notation. Vc193 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CXCIII, Breviarium “secundum usum ecclesiae Vercellensis” with integrated Hymnarium, fourteenth-fifteenth centuries, copied for a canon and/or rector of a church of Vercelli (San Martino in Lagatesco?). Vc215 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CCXV (olim CCXIV), Liber Ordinarius of Santa Maria Maggiore of Vercelli, third to last quarter of sixteenth century (1570 or 1573). Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CCXXXII, Processionale (pars aestiva), Cathedral of Vercelli, fifteenth century, square notation, see Vc232b. VcLit25 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, Lit. XXV, Kyriale-Vesperale, Cathedral of Vercelli, not dated (1699-1700), square notation. VcLit26 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, Lit. XXVI, “Officium s. Eusebii et aliorum sanctorum”, Cathedral of Vercelli, 1699, square notation. Vc12 Vc37 Vc40 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, XL, Psalterium-Hymnarium, Cathedral of Vercelli, fifteenth century. Vc43 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, XLIII, Breviarium, Vercelli, church of San Pietro della Ferla, 1389 (copyist Antonio Rasino). Vc45 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, XLV, Legendarium, northeast Italy, middle of twelfth century. Vc232 Vc53 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, LIII, Liber Ordinarius of the Cathedral of Vercelli (church of Sant’Eusebio), 1372 (notation only on the incipit of the hymn Iam lucis orto sidere). Vc232b Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CCXXXII bis, Processionale (pars hyemalis), Cathedral of Vercelli, fifteenth century, square notation, see Vc232. 400 401 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES VITALE – THE OFFICE OF ST EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Printed Books Vc211 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, CCXI, Breviarium “secundum ritum curie Vercellensis” with integrated Hymnarium, Venetiis 1504, acephalous (the frontispiece is lacking). Vc1672 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, I-600 26, Officium s. Eusebii episcopi, et martyris, ac patroni Vercellen. Aliorumque Sanctorum, quorum memoria peculiari Officio a S. Ecclesia Vercellen. celebrari consuevit (Vercellis: typis Nicolas Hiacinthi Mariae impress. Epis. Superior permissu, 1672). Vc1736 Rituale Vercellense ex Prisco Ritu Eusebiano, Eminentiss., & Reverendiss. D. D. Caroli Vincentii Cardinalis Ferrerii Vercellen. Ecclesiae Episcopi jussu ad fidem veterum autographorum revocatum, et restitutum (Novariae: ex Typographia Jo. Bartholomaei Caballi, Impress. Episcopalis, MDCCXXXVI). VcSn 402 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare Eusebiana, s. n. and s. d., Officia Propria Sanctorum Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Vercellensis cum cantu gregoriano, revisa atque adprobata a R.mo. P. Abbate D. Iosepho Pothier O.S.B. Commissione Romanae pro Editione Vaticana Praeside, Cathedral of Vercelli, not dated (after 1908), square notation. 403 Abbreviations AASS. Acta Sanctorum, Antwerp - Brussels: Vander Plassche, 1643-. AH. Analecta hymnica medii aevi. See separate list above. BHL. Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis, 1898-1901, 2 vols. Bruxelles: Société des Bollandistes (Subsidia hagiographica 6); repr. 1992. Supplementi editio altera auctior, 1911 (Subsidia hagiographica 12). Novum supplementum, 1986, ed. Henryk FrOS (Subsidia hagiographica 70). CAO. HESBErt René-Jean, 1963-1979, Corpus antiphonalium officii, Roma: Herder; vol. 1 (1963), Manuscripti ‘cursus romanus’; vol. 2 (1965), Manuscripti ‘cursus monasticus’; vol. 3 (1968), Invitatoria et antiphonae; vol. 4 (1970), Responsoria, versus, hymni, varia; vol. 5 (1975), Fontes earumque prima ordinatio; vol. 6 (1979), Secunda et tertia ordinationes (Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Series maior, Fontes 7-12). CAO-ECE. Corpus antiphonalium officii ecclesiarum centralis Europae, Budapest: Institute for Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1988-. CCCM. Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, Turnhout: Brepols, 1971-. CCM. Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, ed. Kassius HALLINgEr, Siegburg: Franz Schmitt, 1963-. CCSL. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, Turnhout: Brepols, 1954-. CLA. LOwE Elias Avery, 1934-1982, Codices latini antiquiores: A Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts Prior to the Ninth Century, 13 vols., Oxford: Oxford University Press. CLLA. GAmBEr Klaus, 19682, Codices liturgici latini antiquiores, 2 vols., Fribourg, CH: Universitätsverlag; second enlarged edn. (Spicilegii Friburgensis Subsidia, vol. 1/12); Supplementum Ergänzungs und Registerband, 1988, unter Mitarbeit von Bonifacio BArOFFIO, Ferdinando DELL’OrO, Anton HäNggI, José JANINI, Achille M. TrIAccA. LMLO. HughES Andrew, 1994-1996, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices: Resources for Electronic Research, Vol. 1: Texts, Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Music, 1994; Vol. 2: Sources and Chants, Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Music, 1996. MGH. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. PL. Patrologia Latina [Patrologiae Cursus Completus … Ecclesiae Latinae], ed. Jacques Paul MIgNE, 221 vols., Paris: Garnier, 1844-1865. 405 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Bibliography Abbreviations for Office Hours and chants 1V - Ad Primas Vesperas A M Ad Matutinas Ab - - - Antiphona Antiphona ad Benedictus L - Ad Laudes Ac - Antiphona ad Cantica P - Ad Primam Am - Antiphona ad Magnificat T - Ad Tertiam H Hymnus - S - Ad Sextam I - Invitatorium N - Ad Nonam R - Responsorium 2V - Ad Secundas Vesperas V - Versus (ad Responsorium) C Ad Completum Vs - Versiculus - Editions of historiae texts in Analecta hymnica medii aevi Analecta hymnica medii aevi, eds. Guido Maria DrEVES, Clemens BLumE and Henry Marriott BANNIStEr (55 vols., Leipzig 1886-1922, repr. New York and London 1961); Register, ed. Max LütOLF (3 vols., Berne 1978). Text editions of rhymed offices: 5, 13, 17-18, 24-26, 28, 41, 45 and 52. AH 5, 1889. DrEVES Guido Maria: Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Erste Folge (Leipzig: Fues). AH 13, 1892. DrEVES Guido Maria, Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Zweite Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 17, 1894. DrEVES Guido Maria, Hymnodia Hiberica. Liturgische Reimofficien aus Spanischen Brevieren. Im Anhange: Carmina Compostellana, die Lieder des s.g. Codex Calixtinus (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 18, 1894. DrEVES Guido Maria, Historicae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Dritte Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 24, 1896. DrEVES Guido Maria, Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Vierte Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 25, 1897. BLumE Clemens, Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Fünfte Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 26, 1897. DrEVES Guido Maria, Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Sechste Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 28, 1898. DrEVES Guido Maria, Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reirnofficien des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Wiegendrucken. Siebente Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 41, 1903. DrEVES Guido Maria, Christanus Camoliliensis. Christans von Lilienfeld. Religiöse Dichtungen: Hymnen, Officien, Sequenzen und Reimgebete (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 45, 1904. DrEVES Guido Maria, Historiae Rhythmicae. Liturgische Reimofficien des Mittelalters aus handschriftlichen und gedruckten Quellen. Achte Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). AH 50, 1907. DrEVES Guido Maria, Hymnographi Latini. Lateinische Hymnendichter des Mittelalters aus gedruckten und ungedruckten Quellen. Zweite Folge (Leipzig: Reisland). 406 407 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BIBLIOGRAPHY AH 52, 1909. BLumE Clemens, Thesauri Hymnologici Hymnarium. Die Hymnen des Thesaurus Hymnologicus H.A.Daniels und anderer Hymnen-Ausgaben. II. Die Hymnen des 12.-16. Jahrhunderts aus den ältesten Quellen (Leipzig: Reisland). Historiae 12. Klaus ThOmAyEr, Historia Sancti Achacii vel Decem Milium Martyrum, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/12 (Ottawa 2006). Historiae published by the Institute of Mediaeval Music, Canada, in the series Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV <https://medievalmusic.ca/series/#studies> Historiae 1. Barba ra HAggh, Two Offices for St Elizabeth of Hungary: Gaudeat Hungaria and Letare Germania, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/1 (Ottawa 1995). Historiae 13. Robert KLugSEDEr, Historia Sancti Simperti aus dem Benediktinerkloster St. Ulrich & Afra Augsburg, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/13 (Ottawa 2006.) Historiae 14. Robert KLugSEDEr, Historia Sancti Quirini, Historia Sancti Chrysogoni aus dem Benediktinerkloster Tegernsee, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/14 (Ottawa 2008). Historiae 15. Morné BEZuIDENhOut, Historia Sancti Ludgeri, Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/15 (Ottawa 2010). Wissenschaftliche Historiae 2. David HILEy, Historia Sancti Emmerammi Arnoldi Vohburgensis circa 1030, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/2 (Ottawa 1996). Historiae 16. Benjamin BrAND, Historia Sancti Reguli Episcopi et Martiris, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/16 (Ottawa 2010). Historiae 3. Roman HANkELN, Historiae Sancti Dionysii Areopagitae. St. Emmeram, Regensburg, ca. 1050 / 16 Jh., Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/3 (Ottawa 1998). Historiae 17. John BErgSAgEL, The Offices and Masses of Knud Lavard (H 1131) (Kiel, Univ. Lib. MS S.H. 8 A.8°, Vol. 1: Facsimile, Vol. 2: Edition (Copenhagen 2010); also Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/17 (Ottawa 2010). Historiae 4. Roman HANkELN, Konrad von Megenberg (1309-1374): Historia Sancti Erhardi, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/4 (Ottawa 2000). Historiae 18. László DOBSZAy, Historia Sancti Stephani Regis 1190-1270, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/18 (Ottawa 2010). Historiae 5. James BOycE - William COLEmAN, Officium Presentationis Beate Virginis Marie in Templo. Office of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary which is Celebrated on the 21st Day of November. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS latin 17330, fols. 7r-14r, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/5 (Ottawa 2001). Historiae 19. Brigitte ArNAuD - Annie DENNEry, L’Office de la Couronne d’épines à Sens, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/19 (Ottawa 2012). Historiae 6. Jean-François GOuDESENNE, L’Office romano-franc des saints martyrs Denis, Rustique et Eleuthère, composé à Saint-Denis à partir de la Passio du Pseudo-Fortunat (VIe-VIIIe s.), remanié et augmenté par l’archichancelier Hilduin vers 835 puis au Xe s., Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/6 (Ottawa 2002). Historiae 21. Ernst TrEmp - Walter BErSchIN - David HILEy, Historia Sancti Galli circa 900. Essays und Edition, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/21 (Lions Bay 2012). Historiae 7. David HILEy, Hermannus Contractus (1013-1054): Historia Sancti Wolfgangi Episcopi Ratisbonensis, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/7 (Ottawa 2002). Historiae 8. Jurij SNOj, Two Aquileian Poetic Offices, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/8 (Ottawa 2003). Historiae 9. Zsuzsa CZAgáNy, Historia de Sancta Martha Hospita Christi redactio Bohemica. Ein spätmittelalterliches Reimoffizium zu Ehren der heiligen Martha in seiner böhmischen Überlieferung, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/9 (Ottawa 2004). Historiae 20. Zsuzsa CZAgáNy, Historia sancti Demetrii Thessalonicensis, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/20 (Lions Bay 2013). Historiae 22. Walter BErSchIN - David HILEy, Hermannus Contractus (1013-1054): Historia Sancti Magni, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/22 (Lions Bay 2013). Historiae 23. Yossi MAurEy, Historia Sancti Gatiani Episcopi Turonensis, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/23 (Lions Bay 2014). Historiae 24. Giulia GABrIELLI, The Office of Saint Vigilius, Bishop and Patron of the Church of Trent, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/24 (Lions Bay 2015). Historiae 25. David HILEy, The Office of Saint Julian of Le Mans by Letald of Micy (circa 1000), Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/25 (Lions Bay 2015). Historiae 10. David HILEy - Walter BErSchIN, Hermannus Contractus (1013-1054): Historia sanctae Afrae martyris Augustensis, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/10 (Ottawa 2004). Historiae 26. Mechthild PörNBAchEr - David HILEy, Balther von Säckingen, Bischof von Speyer. Historia sancti Fridolini (ca. 970), Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/26 (Lions Bay 2016). Historiae 11. Mar tha FIckEtt, Historia Sancti Martini, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/11 (Ottawa 2006). Historiae 27. John TOy - David HILEy, The Office of Saint William of York, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/27 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2017). 408 409 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BIBLIOGRAPHY Historiae 28. Barbara HAggh, Historia Sancti Hylarii Episcopi Pictaviensis, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/28 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2018). AmALAr OF MEtZ, 1948-1950, Amalarii Episcopi Opera Liturgica Omnia, ed. Jean Michel HANSSENS, 3 vols., Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Studi e testi 138140), 2: 13-386, 403-543. Historiae 29. Yossi MAurEy, The Dominican Mass and Office for the Crown of Thorns, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/29 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2019). – 2014, On the Liturgy, ed. and trans. Eric KNIBBS, 2 vols., Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Historiae 30. Roman HANkELN, Officium sancti Mauritii sociorumque eius Thebaicae legionis (traditione Sedunensis ecclesiae), Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/30 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2019). ANDErgASSEN Leo, 2006, Cassianus, Vigilius, Ingenuinus, Albuinus: i patroni della diocesi di Bolzano-Bressanone. Leggenda, culto e arte. Mostra - Museo Diocesano, Palazzo Vescovile Bressanone, 27 maggio - 1 ottobre 2006, Bolzano: Museo Diocesano di Bressanone. Historiae 31. Hans Rudolf SENNhAuSEr - Walter BErSchIN - David HILEy, Historia Sanctae Verenae, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/31 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2019). – Historiae 32. John CALDwELL, Historia de Sancta Mildretha, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/ Musicological Studies LXV/32 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2021). Historiae 33. Piero PANZEttI, Historia Sancti Bassiani composto per la Catthedrale di Lodi, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/33 (Kitchener, Ontario, 2021). Bibliography ADAm DE COrLANDON, 1897, De ordine officiorum, in Ulysse ChEVALIEr ed., Ordinaires de l’eglise de Laon (XIIe et XIIIe siècles), Paris: Picard, pp. 189-384. ÆLFrIc OF EyNShAm, 1998, Ælfric’s Letter to the Monks of Eynsham, ed. and trans. Christopher A. JONES, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. AguStONI Luigi - GöSchL Johannes Berchmans, 1987, Einführung in die Interpretation des Gregorianischen Chorals, 2 vols. in 3 parts, vol. 1: Grundlagen, Regensburg: Bosse [repr. 1995]. AImASSO Ezio, 2012, L’antifonario iemale della Chiesa vercellese (Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare, LXX), Alba: Antares. ALBErtONI Giuseppe,1996, Le terre del vescovo. Potere e società nel Tirolo Medievale (secoli IX-XI), Torino: Paravia (Gli Alambicchi 12). ALcuIN, 1863, B. Flacci Albini seu Alcuini […] Opera Omnia, ed. Jacques Paul Migne (PL 101). 2010, Il Duomo di Bressanone. Storia – ambiente – arte, Bolzano: Tappeiner (Pubblicazioni del Südtiroler Kulturinstitut 8). ANgENENDt Arnold, 2005 3, Geschichte der Religiosität im Mittelalter, Darmstadt: Primus [= second revised edn. 2000; first edn. 1997]. – 2007, Heilige und Reliquien. Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart, Hamburg: Nikol [= second revised edn. 1997; first edn. 1994]. ANgENENDt Arnold - BrAuckS Thomas - BuSch Rolf - LENtES Thomas - LuttErBAch Hubertus, 1995, ‘Gezählte Frömmigkeit im späten Mittelalter’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 29, pp. 1-71. ANONymuS HASArENSIS, 1846, ‘De Episcopis Eichstetensibus’, ed. Georg H. PErtZ, in MGH, Scriptores (in folio) 7: Chronica et Gesta Aevi Salici, Hanover: Hahn, pp. 253-266. ANSArI Nasimuddin - TIwArI Shekhar - AgrAwAL Neeraj, 2008, Practical Handbook of Thin-Client Implementation, New Delhi: New Age International, pp. 1-14, available at: <http://www.newagepublishers.com/samplechapter/001090.pdf> (accessed: 31 July 2017). ApEL Willi, 1958, Gregorian Chant, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ArNAuD Brigitte - DENNEry Annie, 2012, L’Office de la Couronne d’épines à Sens, Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval Music (Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies LXV/19 - Historiae 19). AtkINSON Charles, 2009, The Critical Nexus: Tone-System, Mode, and Notation in Early Medieval Music, New York: Oxford University Press. AuDA Antoine, 1923, L’école musicale liégeoise au Xe siècle: Étienne de Liège, Brussels: Lamertin. – 1873, Monumenta Alcuiniana, eds. Wilhelm WAttENBAch - Ernst DümmLEr, Berlin: Weidmann (Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum 6). AuF DEr MAur Hansjörg, 1994, ‘Feste und Gedenktage der Heiligen’, in Hansjörg AuF DEr MAur - Philipp HArNONcOurt, eds., Feiern im Rhythmus der Zeit II/1. Der Kalender. Feste und Gedenktage der Heiligen, Regensburg: Pustet, pp. 65-357 (Gottesdienst der Kirche. Handbuch der Liturgiewissenschaft 6/1). – 2012, De fide Sanctae Trinitatis et de incarnatione Christi. Quaestiones de Sancta Trinitate, eds. Eric KNIBBS - E. Ann MAttEr, Turnhout: Brepols (CCCM 249). AuguStINE OF HIppO, 1865, Contra Faustum Manichaeum libri triginta tres, ed. Jacques Paul MIgNE, PL 42, cols. 208-518. ALpIgIANO Giovanni - LIccIArDELLO Pierluigi, 2008, Officium Sancti Donati I: L’ufficio liturgico di san Donato di Arezzo nei manoscritti toscani medievali, Firenze: SISMEL - Edizioni del Galluzzo. 410 – s.d., Reply to Faustus the Manichean, trans. Kevin Knight, <http://www.newadvent. org/fathers/index.html>. 411 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES BIBLIOGRAPHY AurELIAN OF RéômE, 1975, Musica disciplina Aureliani Reomensis, ed. Lawrence GuShEE, Roma: American Institute of Musicology. BELEth Johannes, 1976, Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Herbert DOutEIL, Turnhout: Brepols (CCCM 41, 41A). BAILEy Terence, 1974, The Intonation Formulas of Western Chant, Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies. BENEDIct OF NurSIA, 1960, Benedicti regula, ed. Rudolf HANSLIck, Vienna: Hoelder-PichlerTempsky (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 75). – 1976, ‘Accentual and cursive cadences in Gregorian psalmody’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 29/3, pp. 463-471. – ed., 1979, Commemoratio brevis de tonis et psalmis modulandis, Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. BANNIStEr Henry Marriott, 1913, Monumenti Vaticani di paleografia musicale latina, Leipzig: Harrassowitz. BArNArD Marcel - POSt Paul - ROSE Els, eds., 2005, A Cloud of Witnesses. The Cult of Saints in Past and Present, Leuven: Peeters (Liturgia Condenda 18). BArOFFIO Giacomo, 1999, Iter liturgicum Italicum, Padova: CLEUP. – 2000, ‘Sanctorum Officia: Ufficiature liturgiche del Santorale tramandate in fonti italiane’, Rivista internazionale di musica sacra 21/1, pp. 263-295. – 2005, ‘Agiologia e bibliologia liturgica’, in Anna BENVENutI - Marcello GArZANItI, eds., Il tempo dei santi tra Oriente e Occidente, Roma, Viella, pp. 31-34 – 2011a, Iter liturgicum italicum, editio maior, Stroncone: Associazione San Michele Arcangelo. – 2011b, ‘Music Writing Styles in Medieval Italy’, in John HAINES, ed., The Calligraphy of Medieval Music, Turnhout: Brepols (Musicalia Medii Aevi 1), pp. 101-124. BArOFFIO Giacomo - KIm Eun Ju, 1999, Historiae sanctorum, Lamezia Terme: A.M.A. Calabria. – 2008, ‘Una nuova fonte di antifone: il processionale Vercelli CCXXXII’, in David HILEy - Gábor KISS, eds., Dies est leticie: Essays on Chant in Honour of Janka Szendrei, Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval Music - Budapest: Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Musicological Studies XC), pp. 45-66. BärSch Jürgen, 2015, Kleine Geschichte des christlichen Gottesdienstes, Regensburg: Pustet. BärSch Jürgen - KrANEmANN Benedikt, eds., 2018, Geschichte der Liturgie in den Kirchen des Westens: Rituelle Entwicklungen, theologische Konzepte und kulturelle Kontexte, 2 vols., Münster: Aschendorff. BArtLEtt Robert, 2013, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. BAuDOt Jules - ChAuSSIN Léon, 1956, Décembre, Paris: Letouzey & Ané (Vies des Saints et Bienheureux 12). BEE Agnese - GOZZI Marco, 2020 Il Pontificale Romanum nelle edizioni cinquecentesche della Biblioteca Laurence Feininger di Trento, con la riproduzione a colori nel DVD allegato delle edizioni Venezia, Giunta, 1510, 1520, 1543 e Roma, Luna, 1595, Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana (Monumenta Liturgiae et Cantus 6). 412 – 19804, Die Benediktusregel: lateinisch-deutsch, ed. Basilius StEIDLE, Beuron: Kunstverlag. – 1981, RB 1980.The Rule of St. Benedict, in Latin and English with notes, ed. Timothy Fry, Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. BENNEtt Peggy, 2005, ‘So, why Sol-Mi?’, Music Educators’ Journal 91/3, pp. 43-49. BENSON Arthur Christopher, 1899, The Life of Edward White Benson, Sometime Archbishop of Canterbury, 2 vols., London: Macmillan. BENVENutI Anna - GArZANItI Marcello, eds., 2005, Il tempo dei santi tra Oriente e Occidente. Liturgia e agiografia dal tardo antico al concilio di Trento. 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SymONS Thomas, 1932-1933, ‘Monastic Observance in the Tenth Century. 1. The offices of All Saints and of the Dead’, Downside Review 50 = N. S. 31, pp. 449-464; 51 = N. S. 32, pp. 137-152. – 444 1953, Regularis Concordia: The Monastic Agreement of the Monks and Nuns of the English Nation, London: Nelson. TAFt Robert F., 1986, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and its Meaning for Today, Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. TAIttO Ilkka, 1998, Missa et officium Sancti Henrici. Suomen suojelupyhimyksen liturgian keskeiset lauluosat [Principal liturgical chants for the patron saint of Finland], Helsinki: Sulasol. 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Westerfield, eds., 2006, The Oxford History of Christian Worship, Oxford: Oxford University Press. WEAkLAND Rembert, 1959, ‘The compositions of Hucbald’, Études Grégoriennes 3, pp. 155-162. 446 447 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES Index of primary sources A-SPL St. Paul im Lavantthal, Benediktinerstift A-SPL 51-53: 270 A-SPL 83-3: 262 A-Su Salzburg, Universitätsbibliothek A-Su M II 6: 262 A-Su M II 11: 292 A-VOR Vorau, Augustinerchorherrenstift A-VOR 90: 262 A-VOR 253: 271 A-VOR 259: 271 A-VOR 287: 262, 271, 441 A-VOR 356: 262 A-Wda Vienna, Diözesanarchiv A-Wda C10, C11, and D4: 262 A-Wn Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek A-Wn 547: 263 A-Wn 550: 22 A-Wn 612: 268 A-Wn 1482: 261 A-Wn 1768: 262 A-Wn 1799**: 266 A-Wn 1812: 292 A-Wn 1829: 292 A-Wn Mus. Hs. 15505: 351-352 A-Wn ser. nov. 206: 334 A-Wn ser. nov. 3645: 4, 225 Sources in CAO (HESBErt René-Jean, 1963-1979, Corpus antiphonalium officii, 6 vols., Roma: Herder) C G B E M V H R D F S L F-Pn lat. 17436 GB-DRc B.iii.11 D-BAs lit. 23 I-IV 106 I-MZ C. 12/75 I-VEcap 98 CH-SGs 390-391 CH-Zz Rheinau 28 F-Pn lat. 17296 F-Pn lat. 12584 GB-Lbl Add. 30850 I-BV 21 A Austria A-Gu Graz, Universitätbibliothek A-Gu 30: 263 A-Gu 211 (‘Codex Albensis’): 279, 282, 294 A-GÜ Güssing, Franziskanerkloster A-GÜ Cod. 1/34: 294 A-Iu Innsbruck, Universitätsbibliothek A-Iu 405: 359 A-Iu 610: 341, 347, 360-363 A-Iu 734: 341, 346, 354 A-Iu 762: 341, 347, 354 A-Iu 783: 360-363 A-Ll Linz, Landesmuseum A-Ll 209: 267 A-Ll 290: 270 A-MB Michaelbeuern, Benediktinerabtei A-MB Man.perg. 6: 262 A-MS Mattsee, Stiftsarchiv A-MS 18: 270 A-SF St. Florian, Augustinerchorherrenstift A-SF XI 384: 267-268 A-SF XI 441: 268 A-SF XI 486: 268 448 B Belgium B-Br Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale B-Br 10127-10144: 9 B-Br 14650-14659: 225 B-Gu Ghent, Universiteit, Centrale Bibliotheek B-Gu 15: 180, 182, 184-189 B-Gu 488: 180, 190-197 CH Switzerland CH-D Disentis, Benediktinerabtei CH-D Stiftsarchiv Fragm. 22: 3, 10-11, 20 CH-Gpu Geneva, Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire CH-Gpu 29: 376, 399 CH-SGs St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek CH-SGs 109: 4 CH-SGs 1399.a.2: 3-10 CH-SGs 194: 4 CH-SGs 238: 4 CH-SGs 390-391 (CAO H): 7, 13, 16-17, 19, 82-83, 225, 227 CH-SGs 562: 22 CH-SGsa St. Gallen, Stiftsarchiv CH-SGsa, Abtei Pfäfers, Cod. Fab. IX: 352 449 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES CH-Zz Zürich, Zentralbibliothek CH-Zz Rheinau 28 (CAO R): 7, 13, 16-17, 19, 227 CH-Zz Rheinau 80: 54 D-TRs Trier, Stadtbibliothek D-TRs 118: 255-256 D-TRs 1245/597: 3, 18-20 D-TRs Inc. 2812: 255 D-W Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek D-W Guelf. 1109 Helmst.: 255-256 D-W Guelf. 17.5 Aug. 4°: 225, 227 CZ Czech Republic CZ-Bfs Brno, Masarykova univerzita, Ústřední knihovna CZ-Bfs 626: 122 CZ-HKm Hradec Kralové, Muzeum Východních Čech CZ-HKm II A 3: 295 CZ-HKm II A 4: 295 CZ-Pak Prague, Pražská Metropolitní Kapitula CZ-Pak P VI/1-3: 290, 295 CZ-Pnm Prague, Národní Muzeum CZ-Pnm VII A 12: 290 CZ-Pnm XII A 21: 290, 295 CZ-Pnm XII A 22: 295 CZ-Pnm XIV D 9: 295 CZ-Pnm XV A 10: 295 CZ-Pu Prague, Národní Knihovna CZ-Pu 42 G 28: 295 CZ-Pu IV D 9: 295 CZ-Pu VII A 12: 288, 295 D Germany D-AAm Aachen, Domarchiv D-AAm G.20: 130 D-BAs Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek D-BAs lit. 23 (CAO B): 13, 16-17, 19, 82, 83, 227 D-Bsb Berlin, Staatsbibliothek D-Bsb Mus. 40047: 240 D-HIb Hildesheim, Dombibliothek D-HIb 651: 4, 24 D-KNa Cologne, Historisches Archiv der Stadt D-KNa Fragm. B140 and B141: 3, 14-20 D-LEu Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek D-LEu 169: 225 D-Mbs Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek D-Mbs cgm 6943: 3, 225 D-Mbs clm 1848: 269 D-Mbs clm 9508: 126 D-Mbs clm 16141: 262, 269 D-Mbs clm 23037: 279 D-Mbs clm 29316(1: 227 D-Sl Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek D-Sl Cod. Bibl. 2° 65: 11-12 D-TRb Trier, Bistumsarchiv D-TRb 95: 117 D-TRb 480: 247-253 D-TRb Abt. 95, Nr. 5: 50 450 DK Denmark DK-Kk Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek DK-Kk Gl. Kgl. S. 3449, 8o: 288 E Spain E-Tc Toledo, Catedral, Archivo y Biblioteca Capitulares E-Tc 44.1: 83, 225, 227, 231 E-Tc 44.2: 225, 227, 231 F France F-AM Amiens, Bibliothèque Municipale F-AM 112: 238 F-AM 115: 229 F-AN Angers, Bibliothèque Municipale F-AN 12: 246 F-AN 261: 227 F-AS Arras, Bibliothèque Municipale F-AS 650: 227, 242 F-CA Cambrai, Médiathèque Municipale F-CA 38: 180, 198-205, 279 F-CHR Chartres, Bibliothèque Municipale F-CHR 47: 227 F-CHR 89: 227 F-DOU Douai, Bibliothèque Municipale F-DOU 836: 180 F-Ganagobie, Prieuré, antiphoner (olim Hautecombe): 239 F-LA Laon, Bibliothèque Municipale F-LA 107: 225, 237-238 F-LA 262: 225 F-Mont-Renaud (private collection): 16, 18-19, 82, 225, 227, 236, 240, 245 F-Pm Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine F-Pm 526: 54, 422 F-Pm 1708: 225 F-Pn Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France F-Pn lat. 776: 182, 222, 243 F-Pn lat. 780: 222 F-Pn lat. 903: 120, 121 F-Pn lat. 909: 120, 222 F-Pn lat. 1085: 49, 268 F-Pn lat. 1090: 231, 241, 242 F-Pn lat. 1269: 245, 246 451 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES F-Pn lat. 2290: 21 F-Pn lat. 2990A: 22 F-Pn lat. 2292: 21 F-Pn lat. 3003: 167 F-Pn lat. 8879: 292 F-Pn lat. 12044: 234 F-Pn lat. 12050: 9, 28 F-Pn lat. 12584 (CAO F): 13, 16-17, 19, 82, 83, 227 F-Pn lat. 12598: 22 F-Pn lat. 12601: 231 F-Pn lat. 13397: 239 F-Pn lat. 15182: 123 F-Pn lat. 16309: 236, 237 F-Pn lat. 17296 (CAO D): 7, 13, 16-17, 19, 82, 227, 240 F-Pn lat. 17436 (CAO C): 3, 4, 8, 9, 12-13, 17, 21, 82, 84, 225, 227, 233, 237 F-Pn n.a.l. 2477: 3 F-Psg Paris, Bibliothèque Ste-Geneviève F-Psg 117: 235 F-Psg 223: 4 F-R Rouen, Bibliothèque Municipale F-R 252: 124, 129 F-R 1391: 225 F-RS Reims, Bibliothèque Municipale F-RS 213: 21 F-VAL Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale F-VAL 114: 225 H Hungary GB Great Britain GB-Ccc Cambridge, Corpus Christi College GB-Ccc 93: 55 GB-Ccc 183: 23, 51, 53, 225 GB-Ccc 473: 40 GB-Cjc Cambridge, St. John’s College GB-Cjc D.27: 54, 437 GB-DRc Durham Cathedral, Dean and Chapter Library GB-DRc B.iii.11 (CAO G), 13, 16-17, 19, 227 GB-EXcl Exeter, Cathedral Library GB-EXcl 3502: 54 GB-Lbl London, British Library GB-Lbl Add. 21170: 225 GB-Lbl Add. 23935: 119, 125 GB-Lbl Add. 30850 (CAO S): 13, 16-17, 19, 82, 227 GB-Lbl Harley 1117: 52, 53, 225 GB-Lbl Harley 3039: 254-255 GB-Ob Oxford, Bodleian Library GB-Ob Auct. F.4.26: 3 GB-Ob Can. Lit. 202: 267 GB-Ob Can. Lit. 366: 225 GB-WO Worcester Cathedral, Chapter Library GB-WO F.160: 44, 52, 53, 83 452 H-Ba Budapest, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára H-Ba Ráth F 1042: 292 H-Bmnm Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum H-Bmnm 63.74.1.C: 293 H-Bmnm 63.84.C: 293 H-Bn Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár H-Bn 63.74.I.C: 286 H-Bn 63.84.C: 286 H-Bn Clmae 33: 293 H-Bn Clmae 343: 294 H-Bn Clmae 446: 294 H-Bn Inc. 800: 294 H-Bu Budapest, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Egyetemi Könyvtár H-Bu Cod. lat. 104: 294 H-Efkö Esztergom, Főszékesegyházi Könyvtár H-Efkö MS I. 3. c: 292 H-Efkö MS I. 3. d: 292 H-Gc Győr, Püspöki Papnevelő Intézet Könyvtára H-Gc s.s.: 294 HR Croatia HR-Zmk Zagreb, Metropolitanska Knjižnica HR-Zmk MR 1: 293 HR-Zmk MR 10: 293 HR-Zmk MR 29: 293 HR-Zmk MR 43: 293 HR-Zmk MR 44: 294 HR-Zmk MR 46: 294 HR-Zmk MR 65: 294 HR-Zmk MR 67: 292 HR-Zmk MR 80: 294 HR-Zmk MR 103: 294 HR-Zmk MR 104: 294 HR-Zmk MR 120: 294 HR-Zmk MR I. c. 42: 293 I Italy I-ARd Arezzo, Archivio capitolare del Duomo I-ARd A: 60 I-ARd E: 60 I-ARd H: 58, 60, 62-68, 70-71 I-ARd P: 59-60, 65 I-ARd Pieve C: 58, 60-61, 63-65, 70, 71 I-BRE Bressanone Duomo, lost antiphoner: 364-367, 369 I-BREd Bressanone, Archivio Diocesano I-BREd s.s. (fragment): 364-367, 369 I-BREmd Bressanone, Museo Diocesano I-BREmd A V: 364-367 453 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES I-BREs Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario I-BREs B 3: 360-368 I-BREs B IIII: 360-363, 368 I-BREs D 17: 360-367 I-BREs E 21: 342 I-BREs E 22: 340, 343, 346, 364-367 I-BREs F 5: 370 I-BREs K 7: 359, 360-363 I-BREs R 3: 352, 353 I-BREs T 1: 340, 344, 364-367 I-BREs T 2: 341, 344, 346, 354, 360-367 I-BREs T 3: 341, 345, 360-367 I-BREs T 4: 341, 345, 360-363 I-BV Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare I-BV 21 (CAO L): 13, 16-17, 19, 227, 231, 240 I-BV 848: 59 I-BZa Bolzano, Archivio di Stato, Biblioteca I-BZa 147: 340, 343, 356-357, 360-363 I-CA Cagliari I-CA Officium s. Eusebii: 379, 399 I-CFm Cividale del Friuli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale I-CFm Cod. XXX: 299, 301, 303, 314 I-CFm Cod. XXXIV: 299, 301, 303, 314 I-CFm Cod. XLI: 301, 314 I-CFm Cod. XLIV: 301, 303-304, 314 I-CFm Cod. XLIX: 301, 314 I-CFm Cod. XLVII: 301, 303, 314 I-CFm Cod. XLVIII: 301, 303-304, 314 I-CFm Cod. LVII: 301, 303-304, 306, 314 I-CFm Cod. LVIII: 301, 314 I-CFm Cod. XCI: 301, 303, 314 I-GO Gorizia, Seminario Teologico Centrale I-GO Cod. A: 299, 301, 303-305, 314 I-GO Cod. B: 299, 301, 303-305, 313, 314 I-GO Cod. C: 301, 303, 314 I-GO Cod. D: 301, 314 I-GO Cod. F: 303, 314 I-GO Cod. G: 303, 314 I-GO Cod. K: 303, 314 I-GO Cod. L: 301, 303, 314 I-GO Cod. s.n.: 301, 303, 314 I-I Imola, Biblioteca Comunale I-I 12: 364-369 I-IV Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare I-IV 60: 376 I-IV 106 (CAO E): 13, 16-17, 19, 82, 225, 227, 376, 381-385, 387, 389, 399 I-Lc Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana e Biblioteca Arcivescovile I-Lc 490: 10-11, 20 I-MC Montecassino, Biblioteca dell‘Abbazia I-MC 542: 239 I-MZ Monza, Biblioteca Capitolare I-MZ C. 12/75 (CAO M): 13, 16-17, 82, 225, 227 I-NOVd Novara, Biblioteca Capitolare I-NOVd A1: 237 I-NOVd 10: 346 I-NOVd 404: 351 I-NOVd 15063: 341, 350, 357-363 I-NOVd Archiv, Khäufsabrod Buech 1697-1702: 351 I-NOVd Archiv, Protocol 1679-1685: 351 I-NOVd Fragm. 1: 350 I-NOVd Fragm. 2: 351, 360-363 I-NOVd Fragm. 19: 349, 351, 370 I-NOVd Fragm. 22: 351, 360-363 I-NOVd Fragm. 23: 351 I-NOVd Fragm. 54: 346, 351, 364-367 I-Ra Rome, Biblioteca Angelica I-Ra 434: 341, 345, 360-363, 368 I-Rval Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana I-Rval C5: 231 I-Rvat Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana I-Rvat Ottob. Lat. 237: 369 I-Rvat Ottob. Lat. 667: 293 I-Rvat Reg. Lat. 466: 225 I-Rvat San Pietro B79: 18-20 I-Rvat Vat. Lat. 8247: 294 I-SCAcc San Candido, Archivio e Biblioteca del museo della Collegiata I-SCAcc VII A 1: 348 I-SCAcc VII A 10: 340, 342-343, 355, 360-363, 371 I-TRbc Trento, Castello del Buon Consiglio I-TRbc 1587: 333 I-TRc Trento, Biblioteca Comunale I-TRc W 1795: 336 I-TRcap Trento, Biblioteca Capitolare I-TRcap 61: 337 I-TRcap 80: 321-323 I-TRcap F: 338 I-VCas Vercelli, Archivio di Stato I-VCas 40: 375, 381, 399 I-VCd Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare I-VCd 11: 393 I-VCd 12: 389, 390-391, 400 I-VCd 37: 375, 381-385, 387, 400 I-VCd 40: 376, 393, 400 I-VCd 43: 376, 392, 400 I-VCd 45: 389, 390-391, 400 I-VCd 53: 375, 381-386, 388, 392-394, 400 I-VCd 62: 374, 381-385, 387, 389-391, 400 I-VCd 64: 374, 381-387, 393-394, 399, 400 I-VCd 70: 374, 400 I-VCd 73: 389, 390-391, 400 454 455 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES I-VCd 77: 389, 390-391, 400 I-VCd 79: 375, 381-385, 387, 400 I-VCd 146: 374, 378, 400 I-VCd 151: 375, 381-387, 393-394, 400 I-VCd 161: 374, 378, 401 I-VCd 162: 374, 378, 401 I-VCd 193: 376, 401 I-VCd 205: 225 I-VCd 211: 376, 381, 393-394, 400-401 I-VCd 215: 376, 401 I-VCd 232: 380, 399, 401 I-VCd 1672: 378, 394, 401 I-VCd 1736: 379, 401 I-VCd F: 380, 382-387, 395, 399 I-VCd Lit 25: 378, 399 I-VCd Lit 26: 378-379, 382-387, 395, 400 I-VCd s.n.: 380, 382-387 I-VEcap Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare I-VEcap 98 (CAO V): 7, 13, 16-19, 227, 233 I-VEcap 205: 227 I-Vnm Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana I-Vnm lat. III, 124 (2235): 262 SI Slovenia SI-Lna Ljubljana, Nadškofijski Arhiv SI-Lna Rkp 18: 305, 313-314 SI-Lna Rkp 19: 305, 313-314 SK Slovakia SK-BRa Bratislava, Štátny Oblastny Archív SK-BRa EC Lad. 4 [1320]: 292 SK-BRa EC Lad. 4 [1339]: 292 SK-BRsa Bratislava, Slovenský Národný Archív SK-BRsa 2: 292 SK-BRsa 4: 292 SK-Spiš, Knižnica Spišskej kapituly Ms. Mus. 2: 293 TR Turkey TR-Itks Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Müzesi TR-Itks Deissmann 42: 292 US United States of America US-NYpm New York, Pierpont Morgan Library US-NYpm M.A.G.7: 292 NL The Netherlands NL-Lu Leiden, Rijksuniversiteit, Bibliotheek NL-Lu BPL 25: 3 NL-Uu Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek NL-Uu 406: 242 PL Poland PL-WRk Wrocław, Biblioteka Kapitulna PL-WRk 168: 286 PL-WRu Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka PL-WRu I F 445: 286 PL-WRu I F 447: 286 PL-WRu I F 449: 286 RO Romania RO-AJ Alba Julia, Biblioteca Naţională, Filiala Batthyaneum RO-AJ R. I. 110: 292 RO-AJ R. II. 102: 293 RO-AJ R. II. 125: 286, 293 RO-AJ R. II. 46: 293 RO-AJ R. III. 94: 293 Printed sources Antiphonale Pataviense, Vienna 1519: 304 Breviarium Aquileiense, Venice 1496: 297 Breviarium Brixinense, Augsburg 1489: 356, 360-367 Breviarium Hildensemense, Nürnberg 1495: 277 Breviarium Monasteriense, Strasbourg 1489: 277 Breviarium Vercellense, Venezia 1504 (see VCd 211) Missale Aquileiense, Augsburg 1494: 297 Officia propria sancti Vigilii episcopi et b. Simonis Innocentis martyrum ac sanctae Massentiae viduae ab omnibus ecclesiasticis in Tridentina diocesi statutis diebus recitanda, Trento 1588: 327, 330, 337 Officia Propria Sanctorum […] Ecclesiae Vercellensis […] Josepho Pothier: 401 RUS Russian Federation RUS-SPsc St. Petersburg, Rossijskaja nacional’naja biblioteka (formerly Publichnaya Biblioteka imeni M. E. Saltíkova-Shchedrina) RUS-SPsc Lat. fol. I 12: 22 456 Officia Propria sanctorum cathedralis ecclesiae et dioecesis Brixinensis, Innsbruck 1606: 360-363, 368 457 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Officium de compassione beatae Mariae virginis, Ulm 1497: 328 Index of chants Officium de sanctis Joachim, Joseph,Anna, Maria Jacobi et Maria Salome, Nürnberg, after 29 September 1482: 327 Officium de sanctis Ruffino et Cesidio atque aliis socijs, in Transaquis quiescientium, Rome 1552: 331 Officium s. Eusebii episcopi, Vercelli 1672 (see I-VCd 1672) Officium Sancti Homoboni, Cremona ca. 1495: 329 Psalterium et Breviarium iuxta chorum ecclesiae Brixinensis, Augsburg 1489: 341-342, 352 Rituale Vercellense, Novara 1736 (see I-VCd 1736) Antiphons Ab aeterno ordinata 280 Ab ipsis infantiae 364 Ablactatus igitur 245-246 Accedens ad servitutem dei 382 Accedunt laudes virginis 280 287 300 Accinxit fortitudine(m) 83 Accipe igitur sanctissima 302 Accipiens Simeon 7-8 25 Accitum 184 Ad arbitrium 190 Ad festa preciosi martiris Christi Adalberti 276 336 Ad martyrium currit 349 Ad te de luce 7 9 25 Adest dies celebris quo salutis nexu 357-360 371 Adest dies gloriosa 283 290 Adest dies gratialis 268 Adest dies laetabundus 282 Adest dies laetitiae 278 281 285-286 Adest festum venerandum 281 Adest namque 381-382 384 386 Adest namque beati Cassiani 364 Adest namque beati Dionysii 84 278 288 Adest namque beati Eusebii 380 395 397 Adest sancta sanctorum 280 Adest solemnitas sanctorum 282 Adferte Domino fili Dei 17 Adhaesit anima mea post te 82 Adiens enim 184 Adiuvabit eam 83 Adonai Iesu Christe 302 Aequalitatem propositi 302 Aeterna laborum suorum 362 Agatha/Agathes letissima 16 26 Agatha/Agathes sancta dixit 16 26 Age mater ecclesia 283 290 Agens diem festum 299 Alma virgo 202 458 Amandus ergo 184 Ammirabile nomen 198 Angelorum decus 192 Anhelanti 192 Anima iusti 196 Anna sancta de qua 299 Annua beatae Helenae 275 Apparuit caro suo 289 Apparuit Christus Pantaleoni 270 Appropinquante 188 Arianis impietatibus 382 Arianorum sceleribus 384 Assumpsit Iesus 280 283 Assumpta est Maria 324 Assunt festa magnifica 300 At illa respondit perditionem 352 Audi servorum clemens pia 281 Ave beate rex Stephane 275 285 287 Ave decus virgineum 275 283 Ave gemma claritatis 276 278 284 337 Ave gemma virtuosa 275 277 284 299 Ave inclite confessor 186 Ave lux et decus 252 277 279 286-287 Ave O veris primula 265 Ave praesul gloriose (Dionysius) 239 242 Ave presul (Gaugericus) 198 Ave senior Stephane 242 Baptizatus beatus Eusebius 382 Beata Agathes 371 Beata Augusta 84 Beata et gloriosa mors 84 Beati Bavonis 188 Beati eritis cum vos 302 Beati Eusebii commemorationem / translationem celebramus 386 Beati Iohannis virtus 277 Beati pape 190 Beatissime virgines impletis vasis oleo 306 Beatissime virginis 202 Beatissimus Eucharius pontifex 250 255 459 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF CHANTS Beato Amando 190 Beatus Amandus 188 Beatus Bernardus ab infantia 299 Beatus Calistus dedit orationem 18-19 27 Beatus Cassianus dum 366 Beatus Cassianus licet 366 Beatus Cassianus sacerdos 343-345 351-352 Dum ortus fuerit sol 12 13 Dum redemptoris 275 277 Dum viri 186 Ecce completa sunt 13 Ecce cui ductor 194 Ecce iubar matutinum 277 285 Ecce nomen Domini venit de longinquo 78 Ecce nomen tuum 82 Ecce nubes lucida 281 Egregie Dei martyr 82 Eia laude condigna 262-263 430 Elucidantibus divinae gratiae mysteria 271 En illuxit lux celebris 282 Erumpat catholicae fons 280 Et licet 188 Euge serve bone 115 Euntes ad te 360 Evigilans Lucius nocturna visione 353 Ex servis filii 360 Exemplo tuo 184 Exiit edictum a Romano 364 Expandens manus 289 Expansis manibus 84 85 Exsurgens autem Maria 275 287 Exultaque letare 192 Exultet omnis spiritus 279 Exurgens autem Maria 277 284 Factum est prelium in caelo 243 Factum est quaerentibus 302 Felix Thomas doctor 279 286 300 Festa pii imperatoris Henrici 271 Fiat Domine cor meum 83 Fidei illum confessio 384 Floruit egregius 194 Fluminis impetus 17 Fons aeternae pietatis 275 285 Fons et origo bonitatis 264 282 Fons hortorum redundans 282-283 Fonte ergo baptismi 190 Fontem aque tabidum 61-62 65 Franciscus vir catholicus 282 299 Fremuerunt populi 86 Fuit vir venerabilis 275 277 284 Fulget clara dies 300 Fulsit splendor firmamenti 281 Gaude et letare 13 Gaude felix Bohemia 122-123 Gaude felix ecclesia 268 Gaude felix mater ecclesia 279 Gaude felix parens Hispania 280 286 299 364 Beatus es et bene 18-19 27 Beatus es o beate Antoni 302 Beatus es tu 116 Beatus Eusebius ad dei 384 Beatus Eusebius coram Constantio 382 Beatus Hermagoras 302 Beatus Laurentius clamavit et dixit 82 Beatus Livinus 194 Beatus Rudpertus ab infantia 350 Beatus Vincentius 116 Beatus vir Gaugericus 198 Beatus vir qui suffert 302 Beatus Vitus elevans 279 Benedic regem cunctorum 277 Benedicite Deum omnium 349 Benedicite spiritus et animae iustorum 88 Benedicta filia 324 Benedicta vidua 88 Benedictionem omnium gentium 200 371 Benedictus Deus laus sanctorum 349 Bethleem 13 Bone voluntatis 198 Caeleste beneficium 275 Caeli sedes Dei 302 Caesar dum Traianus 271 Cantantibus organis 83 Cassianus igitur Corneliensis 364 Christo cotidie sedulum 19 27 Christum laudemus cuncti 281 Christus dominus regnavit 86 Clamat Eliseus ad Eliam 280 Claret dies 300 Clarus doctor et lux 281 283 Coepit praeses contristari 299 Collaetetur turba fidelium 279 286 300 Completi sunt 13 Concurrunt fideles 196 Confessor Domini 198 Congaudebat ergo populus hoc viro 390 Congaudebat populus 382 Congaudebat populus beatum Eusebium 390 Congaudebat populus hunc virum 389 460 Congregemur laetabundi 270 Consequantur domine 302 Consona vox menti 271 Consulta vero 184 Convenientes in unum 287 Convertisti planctum meum 302 Corde et animo 188 Corona aurea supra eorum 371 Crastina erit uobis salus 12 Cuius ut in dubiam 186 Cum beata Monica in ecclesia 352 Cum discubuisset 280 Cum essent in tormentis 84 Cum esset (Nat Dni) 12 13 Cum esset Helena regina 302 Cum precatur exaudisti 86 Cumque procedentem 192 Cumque zelus succentus 366 Custodiuit Dominus 202 De magnificis partibus 302 Decorem indutus et fortitudinem 279 Dedit illis in praeceptis suis 371 Defuncto lantgravio 112 Demone frater quidam vexatus 124 Descendit dominus cum sancto Lucio 353 Deum adiutorium 202 Deus in medio eius 83 Deus meus es tu 7 9 25 Deus omnipotens qui electis tuis 243 Deus tuo munere / iustum praevenisti 87 Dextra super 194 Dies adest celebris 282 336 Dignus qui spectaretur 382 Dilexisti iusticiam 202 Diligebat autem 277 Diligebat dominus Jesus 302 Dimissa sunt a domino 302 Discipuli vero pro bono 364 Doctine novitate Galli 353 Doctor namque extitit libera 364 Doctrinae fideliter 360 Domine bonum est nobis 280 Domine Deus meus exaltasti 83 Domine Deus noster 229 Domine si adhuc 85 Domine suscipe me 289 Dum ad haeresim Arrianorum 384 388 Dum aurora 83-84 Dum Ioannes almae urbis 302 Dum migraret gloriosus 302 Gaude mater ecclesia tam devota familia 283 299 Gaude solum Wratislaviae 282 286 Gaudeat ecclesia 277 279 280 284-285 300 Gaudeat Hungaria 88 92-93 Gaudet plebs christianorum 283 Gaudete omnes de piissimo 381 384 388 Gentem Francorum 239 Gloria tibi Christe 196 Gloria tibi trinitas 95 229 Gloriosa et beatissima 281 290 343-347 352 Gloriosa Martha 302 Gloriosa recolitur dies 280 Gloriosa sanctissimi 275 277 284 299 Gloriosa splendet 280 283 290 300 Gloriosa Thebaeorum 281 Gloriosus Deus in sanctis suis 282 Gratias tibi ago … quia me 302 Gratias tibi Domine 343-347 352 Gratuletur regi digna 279 283 290 Gubernaculum fidei 382 Habitabit domine 86 Haec est Martha 302 Haec vera fraternitas 299 Hanc ingressus 184 Herodes tetrarcha audivit 281 Hic est vere martyr 381 Hic instructus sapientia artium liberalium 382 389 390 Hieronymus lumen ecclesiae 282 Hii cultores agri 362 371 His verbis 188 Hodie beati Eusebii diem natalem 382 386 395-396 Hodie posito corpore 263 Hodie scietis 13 Hodie viri Israhelitae 362 371 Honorabilem eximii patroni 302 Honorabilis cunctis 200 Horum predicat 190 Huic ergo 190 Hunc Romulea 190 Hunc virum sanctum 384 Hymnum dicite 7 9 25 Iam noua progenies 113 Iam sanctae Clarae claritas 281 Ideo rogamus 184 Iens per mundi 299 Iesu Christe tuus famulus 348 Iesus ad discipulos 343-345 461 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF CHANTS Igitur Othmarus abbas 282 Igne me examinasti 81 Ille autem columna dei 366 Illis horis et momentis 283 290 Illuminata Syranna 67 In aeternum Dominus caelo 348 349 In craticula te Deum non negavi 82 In ferventis olaei 289 In laudes Pannonia surge 282 288 In leticia Domino 202 In odorem unguentorum 324 In patientia voluntatem dei 382 In petra exaltavit 302 In primo christiane religionis 353 In prosperis 204 362 In sanctorum devotionibus 282 In superna ciuitate 202 In tabernaculo tuo 198 360 In unum convertit aquam 279 In virtute tua Christe 86 In voce humili Christum 348 Inclita sanctae virginis 300 Inclite rex Luci spreta 353 Incliti militis tui 279 Indignatus rex Astriges 302 Induit me Dominus 83 Innocens minibus 198 202 Innocenter militantes 360 Insigne preconium 239 Insignes preconiis 239-240 242 Insignis martyr Erasmus 280 Insignis pater Allowinus 184 Insignis preconii 241 Insignium virorum 242 Insiliens unus 196 Inter choros angelorum 202 Inter deserte 194 Inter procella saeculi 362 371 Interea seva paganorum 364 Intuemini 13 Inventa bona Margarita 83 Invocante te in iustitia 348 Invocantem exaudivit 70 86 Invocavit Dominum 198 Iohannes apostolus 289 Ioseph fili David noli timere 12-13 Ipsos elegit Dominus 371 Ista est quae ascendit 83 Ista est virgo 83 Iste Bavo 188 Magnificavit Dominus sanctos suos 371 Magnificavit sanctum suum 281 Magnificemus dominum / Salvatorem omnium 337 Magnificet sanctum 196 Magnificetur Dominus 362 371 Maria Virgo assumpta est 324 Martinus adhuc catecuminis 229 Martyrum sollemnia 269 Meditabuntur viri beati 360 Medius horum 190 Meminerat 188 Mentem sanctam 371 Meritis sacris 198 Mille fossus plagis 364 Misit Herodes rex 281 Missus interim Roma nuntius 353 Mox indumentis exuitur 366 Multitudo languentium 19 27 82 Nisi granum 82 Nobili ortus ex progenie 381-382 388 390 Nomen tuum Domine 70 86 Non diceris ultra 302 Non ego te desero 82 Non igitur divina clementia 302 Non inmerito super 186 Non solum eos 302 Nunc Aegyptus parens 279 O admirabile divinitatis nomen 87 O beate Iacobe 280 O beate Simon et Tadae 282 O Christi martyr 277 284 O decus Trebniciae (Laetare Germania) 282 462 Iste cognovit 198 Iste est qui 198 Isti sancti digne celebri 362 371 Isti sunt angelica 238 Iubilate Deo omnis terra quia Christo 88 Iubilet in gaudio Candidus 349 Iucundare filia sion 78 Iucundare mente pia 280 Iucundetur in hoc solemnio 277 280 286 Iucundus homo 82 Iudea et Ierusalem 13 Iudicabant omnes 389 Iussit Valerianus in conspectu 271 Iusticie Dominus 188 Iustum deduxit 198 Iuvenis igitur illis ab ea 352 Laeta plebs gaudens 302 Laetabitur in Domino 200 Laetare Germania 276 278 284 288-289 299 336 Laetare mater nostra 275 277 284 344-345 350 352 Laetare Pannonia 276 285 288 Laetentur filii 194 Laetetur ecclesia quod per dena milia 270 Laetetur quia speravit 348 Laetetur verus 200 Laetis canamus vocibus 275 278 284 Laudabile nomen domini 271 Laudabilem in suis 362 Laudans laudare monuit 87 Laudantes Dominum in sanctis suis 371 Laudate Dominum de caelis, in quibus Hedwigis 88 Laude Bavo 188 Laudibus magnificis 270 Laus honor et gloria 253 Laus immensa Dei 281 Legem Domini 202 Leuate capite 13 Lignum verum dominicum 279 Loris ligatus sanctus dei pontifex 384 388 391 Lucis eterne 200 Lumine divino 204 Magna nobis est huius diei beati Eusebii 381 384 388 Magna potens humiles 282 288 Magnifica virgo 204 Magnificatus est 13 286 O felicem 192 O felicem praesulem 281 O gloriosa regina que in terreno amore 251 O gloriosum et summum 279 O immarcessibilis rosa 275 O inclite Christi confessor Vulgani 129-130 O iubar caeli splendidum 281 O Iuda 13 O Lamberte pater 263 O lumen ecclesie 350 O Margareta caelorum 275 300 O meritum sublime 379 384 388 397 399 O mire humilitatis 353 O pastor aeterne 280 283 290 O pater Landoalde 190 O patroni 371 O patroni singulares 371 O patroni speciales 362 368 O per omnia laudabile 362 371 O per omnia viros laudabiles 346 O praeclarum germinum 280 O precipue 184 O quam admirabile 348 360 O quam gloriosus martyr 366 O quam miranda 299 O quam praedigna 283 O quam pulchra es/est 83 O quanta est sacer 312-313 O quanta/quantum est res miranda 374-375 381 384 386 388 O quantum est miranda 392 Q quantus stupor populi 125-126 O rex altissime Deus 350 O sancte Candide noster patrone 349 O sanctissimae Christi athleta 279 O Thoma dux erantium 270 Obtulerunt pro eo 7 8 25 Occurrit beato Iohanni 289 Omnes gentes 17 Omni servivit 188 Omnia de Christo 362 371 Omnis terra adoret te 17 Omnis terra Domino iubilet et serviat 88 Operantes hos vernaculos 360 Orante sancta Euphemia 302 Orantibus populis pontifex 382 390 Oravit sanctus Vitus 277 285 Orietur sicut sol 13 Orta Arianorum perfidia 386 Ortu pusioli 194 Ostendit sanctus Gamaliel 275 277 Paganorum 371 Pandit eis Berith 302 Pastor caesus 275 300 Pater sanctus dum ad urbem 384 388 Peccatorum cathedra 64-65 86 Perambulans vero immaculata 302 Perennis patriae regis 276 285 Plenitudine evangelicae lectionis 384 Plenus namque 188 Pollebat 188 Polycarpus presbyter 82 Pontifex Christi 200 Pontifex et martyr Candide 349 Portas Domini confessor 200 Post discessum 282 463 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Post gloriam salutiferae 271 Potior quiete benigne 366 Praeclarum late 299 Praedicantes praeceptum 360 Praesul Rudberte 263 Preceptum Domini 198 Preciosus athleta 196 Prediis suis christo 184 Preliator Domini Bavo 186 Prevenisti Domine 198 Probasti me 82 Proficiebat 188 Propter insuperabilem 289 Propter Sion non tacebo 12 Prudentes virgines 83 Psallite Deo nostro psallite 17 Psallite Domino 202 Pulchra es 324 Quam iocundum 192 Quando Wadach 281 Quasi stella matutina 280 283 Quasi unus 289 Quem Brixina pontificem 366 Qui dum 194 Qui mihi ministrat 82 Qui sic se hic humiliavit 349 Qui vicerit faciam 289 Qui vult venire 82 Quibus haec optantibus 233 236 Quo visu fortiter 186 Quod audiens sanctus Cassianus 364 Quoniam iustus Dominus 12 Reconditum 186 Recordatus est 202 Regem gloriae constanter 382 Reges Tarsis et insule 17 Regnante Christo 190 Replevit sanctum tuum 350 Reportato cum foenore 362 Responsum accipiet 7-8 25 Reversus itaque 184 Revertere 7-8 25 Rex pacificus 13 Rex regum 190 Rogavit ergo 184 Romanus imperator privatus 366 Sacerdotes Dei 85 Sancta Margaretha virgo 280 Sancta praeconia recolentes 279 Sancte Bavo 188 464 Sancte Bavo confessor 184 Sancte Candide praesul 348 Sancti confessores patres 357 360 Sancti confessores vestri gregis 343-347 350-352 356-357 360 371 Sancti Donati sputum 62 Sancti Ieronimi 299 Sanctificamini 13 Sanctissimi viri Andreas et Benedicti 275 285 Sancto igitur 190 Sanctos patres secutus beatus Eusebius 382 Sanctum et verum lumen 242 Sanctus autem Cassianus 366 Sanctus Bartholomeus 281 283 Sanctus Candidus meditans legem 348 Sanctus Dionysius qui tradente 282 Sanctus Donatus pontifex 67 Sanctus Eusebius ex Sardinia ortus 398 Sanctus Landoaldus 190 Sanctus Livinus 194 Sanctus pater Maximinus 249 Sanctus vir Domini 200 Scitote quia prope 13 Sebastianus Dei cultor 18-19 27 Sebastianus dixit ad Nicostratum 19 27 Sebastianus dixit Marcelliano 19 27 Sebastianus Mediolanensium 18-19 27 Sebastianus vir christianissimus 19 27 Sectatus iustitiam 384 Secundum magnitudine 7 9 25 Sedit angelus ad sepulchrum 142 Senator quidam nomine 302 Sepulta est vero beatissima 302 Si ignem adhibeas 16 26 Si quis mihi ministraverit 82 Sicut fortis adlaeta 382 390 Sicut lilium inter spinas 279 Sicut sitiens cervus 364 Signis et miraculis 349 Simile est regnum caelorum […] sagenae 83 Simile est regnum caelorum decem hominibus 83 Sine macula hic fuisti 349 Sollicitur curis 194 Specie tua 83 Spem tuam sentiamus aggregati te laudamus 270 Spiritus in specie 194 Splendor stelle clare lucis 57-64 70-72 Stillabat enim 184 INDEX OF CHANTS Summe sacerdos 300 Sunt de hic stantibus 280 Super vitas melior est misericordia 88 Supra pectus Domini 289 Surgens Petrus in medio 279 287 Suscipientes beati Aegidii 281 Talium favor 190 Tandem evangelii veritate 353 Te decet laus 231 Tempore baptismi 194 Terra pontus astra mundus 280 Tolle puerum 7-8 25 Transacto vero flumine 384 388 Transit pauper ad regni solium 119-120 Triumphatorem suum Athanasium 384 386 Tua testimonia Christe credibilia 88 Tunc ait illa 352 Turbavit regni 194 Universa carnis 202 Universa plebs 279 Ut illi poenas redderent 366 Ut vidit vero 196 Vade ait 194 Vade vende 188 Venerabilis Gallus 278 282 Venerantes et dignam memoriam 255 Veni electa mea 83 Veni sponsa Christi 83 Venit ad sepulcrum 366 Venit lumen tuum hierusalem 17 Venite adoremus 17 Venite omnes gentes laetamini […] Eusebius 381 384 Verba sancti percipe 70 Verba viri sapientiae 281 Vercellarum episcopus creatus 384 Vernante veris tempore 270 Vicesima octava 302 Vide filia ut nullus 302 Videbunt gentes iustum tuum 12 Vidit beata Monica se stantem 352 Vincitur post terga 366 Vinctis manibus retrorsum 382 Vir beatus Godehardus 269 Vir Deo gratissimus 186 Vir donum ubi divinitus 353 Vir Eusebius paradisum 381 384 Vir sapiens plebem suam 382 Virgo gloriosa semper 276 278 284 Virgo tua Maxelendis 202 Visitavit nos Deus 85 Vobis qui timetis Dominum 12 Volo pater 82 Vox de caelo ad Anthoneum 279 Alleluia Fulgebunt iusti 371 Communions Comedite pinguia 11 Ego vos elegi 371 Gradual Sacerdotes eius induantur V Illuc producam 371 Hymns Alma mater generosa 351-352 Anni volventis circulus 353 Aulae caelestis gloriae 376 378 393 Caelestes gemmae confessione 359 Caelum digne tripudiat terra 359 Dive quem summis precibus rogamus 378 Exorta a Betshaida 359 Felix Vedastus 231 Gloria laudis 231 Hic natus de Sardinia 376 378 393 Hostium quae vis potuit dolusve 378 Iam lucis orto sidere 393 Iam sol recurrit aureus 378 399 Laus Deo patri 231 Praesul insignis martyr Eusebi 378 Regi polorum 394 Regi polorum debitas 378 394 Salutis reddunt gaudia 357 359 371 Tunc palatini comites 378 Veni redemptor gentium 393 Voce iocunda 231 Introits Gaudeamus 371 In virtute tua 388 Loquetur Dominus pacem 237 Populus Sion 78 Spiritus Domini replevit orbem terrarum 78 Invitatory antiphons Adoremus Christum 188 198 Auctorem virginitatis 202 Christum regem adoremus consolantem 352 465 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES INDEX OF CHANTS Deum verum 231 Iesum Dei filium per quem 348 Iubilemus in hac die dignis Deo laudibus In limo pro 352 Inclitus pontifex 255 Inluminare inluminare V. Et ambulabunt 126-127 Iubilemus omnium 184 Iubilemus unanimes 190 Personis trinii 194 Regem Cassiani dominum 364 Regem laudemus 360 371 Regem regum dominum venite 382 394 Regem regum qui hodie regi Lucio 353 Unum Deum in Trinitate 231 Offertories Confractum vitreum 71-72 Letamini 371 Stetit angelus 71-72 Responsories Accepit Iesus calicem 65 71 Ad laudem et gloriam 231 Adaperiat Dominus V Exaudiat Dominus 11 Adorna thalamum V Accipiens Simeon 7-10 12 25 Agatha/Agathes letissima 16 26 Agmina sacra 231 Alme confessor Egidi V Que nec oculus vidit 130-132 Ambulate per portas 10 Ante sancti tumulum 63 Audita viri Dei opinione V Predestinatus vocatus mox 353 Aurora felicis irradiante 302 Beatorum Christi confessorum 360 Beatus Cassianus mente 364 366 Beatus Eusebius Christi domini 387 Beatus Eusebius pontifex 387 Beatus Eusebius pontifex V Beatus Eusebius in terris 388 Beatus Germanus antistes 364 Beatus Germanus pontifex 364 Beatus Romanus V Immortali 116-117 Benedictus Deus 231 Benedixit Isaac Iacob dicens 7 9-10 25 Bonum certamen 387 Cassianus igitur Corneliensis 364 Celebret ecclesia laudes 302 Christo in carne passo 387 Clara turba testium 63 Commedite pinguia V Viriliter agite 11 466 Conversus Jesus ad Mariam 302 Cumque ducis furentis V Vox Domini 121-122 Descendit de celis 245 Deum time 231 Deus maiestatis rex 231 Diligens quos et in fide germanos 245 Discipuli vero malum 364 Divinum mysterium 65 70-72 Doctor namque extitit arcium 364 Dum floreret vir beatus Eusebius 387 389-390 Dum ingrederetur V Ego habeo mamillas 16 26 Emisisti (recte Et misisti) manum tuam V Exaudisti eam domine 352 Erat autem tunc Vercellis 387 391 Erat enim in sermone 18 Euge serve bone 115 353 Excelsus super omnes 231 Exemplis dignos ut provocarent 360 Exsilium tibi V Inter christicolas 237 Fac ut te cum iucundemur V Gaudete Christi famuli 349 Facta autem in turba 302 Factum est consilium V Nec muneribus 387-388 Factum est silentium 243 Felix namque 231 239 Fuit autem beatus Cassianus 364 Gaude felix O patrone Candide V O martyr sancte Candide 348 Gaudebat Christi famulus V Cor contritum 117-118 Gloriosi Domine testis suis 244 Gloriosi martires Christi 244 Haec attente famuli cordibus V Praesul Christi egregie 349 Haec est dies 231 Hic est vere martyr 388 Hic fidei catholicae magister 387 Hodie in Iordane V Celi aperti sunt 17 Hodie martyrum flores 244 Hodie presules incliti 362 Hodierna sollempnitas V Bonum certamen 127-129 Honor virtus 231 In dulcifluo carmine 302 In isto loco promissio V Nolite timere 19-20 27 17 Inter christicolas V Exsilium tibi 237 Interea paganorum rabies 364 Interrogabat magos Herodes V. Magi veniunt 17 Interrogatus quod officium 364 Ipse me coronavit V Vidisti Domine 16 26 Isti sancti iussu 360 Isti sunt viri 244 Laudem dicite letantes trino 231 Luce carens corporali V Sacro fonte baptizatur 65-69 71 Magi veniunt ab oriente V. Magi veniunt 17 Magnus Dominus noster 231 Marina virgo venerabilis 302 Martha stetit et ait 302 Memento mei Deus V Memento verbi tui 11 Misso de supernis 360 371 Nobili prosapia 60-61 Nobilis vir Dei Candidus V Fac mecum Domine signum 348 O beata trinitas te laudamus 231 O beatum presulem Cuthbertum 53 O constantia martyrum 239 O felix gaude Gallia V His ora pro terrigenis 349 O gemmae domus 360 O lampas ecclesiae Candide V Fac nos laetari faciem 348 O martyr sancte Candide V Pro famulis tuis ora 349 O nimis felix et elegans 302 O quam precipuis laudibus 230 O quantus erat fletus episcopus 230 O quantus erat fletus V Euntes ibant et flebant 387-388 O quantus erat luctus 230 O quantus est colendus 230 O quantus moeror 230 O sublime Deus 231 O summe Trinitati V Prestet nobis gratiam 65-66 O testis verbi pie pastor 306 Odor fragrat incensorum 63 Omnes de Saba venient V Reges Tarsis 17 Orate pro nobis 360 Oriens splendor lucis 231 Orta perfidia sacte Arrianorum 387 391 Ortua Arianorum perfidia 387 Pars tibi pro meritis V Gloriam petisti 237 Patrato namque tam 302 Posuisti domine V Posuisti domine 348 Predicatione apostolica 235-236 Pueris quibus prefuit 364 366 Quasi stelle lucide 63-64 Quis es tu qui venisti V Nam et ego 16 26 Quos in parabolis premiis V Christo cotidie 19-20 27 Regebat namque catholice V Tunc memorata 387 391 Responsum acceperat V Lumen ad revelationem 7 25 Sacer sanctus 231 Salutis nostre redemptor cito 10 Salvatorem mundi quem expectamus 10 Sancti spiritus unctio 360 Sanctus Eusebius ex Sardinia 387 399 Sanctus Timotheus Gallia V Verbum Dei ubique 353 Scalarum proclivi tractu 387 Sebastianus Dei cultor V Erat enim in sermone 18-19 27 Sebastianus Mediolanensium 18 Sebastianus vir christianissimus V Quem perfuderat 19 27 Sicut cervus fluenta 364 Simeon iustus V Responsum accepit 7-8 10 25 Soror Marthae 302 Spem in alium V Adiuva nos Deus 11 Stella quam viderunt V Et intrantes 17 Sub noctis silentio V Hesitanti animo divina 353 Summe Trinitati V Prestet nobis gratiam 66-67 Syranna utroque orbata lumine 67 Tolle arma tua V Cumque venatu 7 9 25 Tolle puerum V Venit angelus 7 25 Trahebatur per gradus ab Arrianis V Vinctis manibus post tergam 387-388 391 Videbunt gentes iustum tuum 12 Vidisti Domine V Propter veritatem 16 26 Vigilans fidei cultor 387 Vir dei sanctus Blasius 263 Vir iste ut fortis athleta 387 Vitae celebris doctrinae 360 467 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Responsory verses (when cited separately) Ad patriam 206 Ad salutem 207 Adhuc nimium 206 Affuit plebs 207 Christe ecclesie 207 Comitate sunt 207 Cotidie 207 Cuius pridem meritis 208 Cum ferme pubertatis 208 Deus omnium 208 Dimisit comam 206 Dominus Ihesus 206 Ecce et enim 207 Ecce sacerdos 207 Eius in mirum spiritu 207 Electus Dei 206 Expansis in celum 207 Fortis sermone 208 Fortis virgo 208 Gloria et honore 208 Gloriosi principis 208 Gracie celestis 206 Gratiam quam 208 Iam tortores 207 Illo denique sponte 207 In contritione cordis 206 Intendens summus 207 Inter deflentes 207 Interfuit eius spiritus 207 Ipse nostris 207 Medicinis spiritualis 208 Mundum cum suis 208 Nam apum more 206 Nil opera sua 206 Nondum incedens 207 O beate Bavo 206 Officiose 207 Operis ergo 206 Orante pro eo 207 Post trium 206 Quem Christus 206 468 Quem Michael 208 Quem tuba 208 Qui dixit 206 Qui flammis 208 Qui Lazarum 206 Qui super mare 207 Quo transit 207 Repletu spiritu 207 Sanatis succedunt 207 Sanctus ac pius 208 Subsequitur mira 206 Surrexit sanus 207 Susceptus est hodie 206 Tamdiu vir Domini 206 Ut hominem 206 Ut mereretur 208 Vigilius et ieiuniis 206 Virtus divina 207 Sequences Consurgat in preconia 336 Consurge iubilans / Vox 336 Flagrans morum novitate 388 Gaude Sion quod egressus 370 Innoventur hac in die 371 Laetabundus fidelis in caelis coetus 265 Luce lucens in superna lucis 370 Omnes odos nunc melodos 336 Omnis orbis Eusebii preclara festa celebret 378 388 Summi regis 243 Tract Qui seminant 371 Te Deum 34-36 40-41 45 50 Trope verses Adsunt ecce clara festa 388 Sollempnitatem 371 469 HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES 470 471 All’indirizzo internet https://www.fondazionelevi.it/attivita-editoriale è consultabile il catalogo delle pubblicazioni. Alcuni volumi possono essere scaricati gratuitamente in formato pDF. I volumi possono essere acquistati presso Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi info@fondazionelevi.it HISTORIAE - LITURGICAL CHANT FOR OFFICES OF THE SAINTS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Historiae Liturgical Chant for Offices of the Saints in the Middle Ages contents Presentation; Foreword; Susan Rankin, The Office in Carolingian hands; Henry Parkes, Theology and teleology in the festal Night Office: what performance directions reveal about the design and experience of historiae; Benjamin Brand, Literary and musical borrowing in a versified office for St Donatus of Arezzo; Harald Buchinger, On the hermeneutics and function of saints’ offices: observations and questions; Roman Hankeln, Music and text in saints’ offices: two approaches; Nils Holger Petersen, Emotion and human identification in medieval saints’ offices: a response to Roman Hankeln; Morné Bezuidenhout and Mark Brand, A web-based interface for the computational analysis and recognition of interval patterns in chants from late medieval saints’ offices; Kate Helsen, Working with the research legacy of Andrew Hughes; Barbara Haggh-Huglo, Medieval offices from Ghent and Cambrai: some ways of interpreting their melodies; Jean-François Goudesenne, Geography and historiography in early West Frankish historiae (750-950); Danette Brink, The seven historiae for the medieval cathedral of Trier: a conservative point of view; Robert Klugseder, Saints’ offices in Austria; Zsuzsa Czagány, Historiae in the Central European area: repertorial layers and transmission in Bohemia, Poland and Hungary; Jurij Snoj, Late liturgical offices in Aquileian manuscripts; Marco Gozzi, Research on historiae in Italy: desiderata and opportunities; Cesarino Ruini, The offices of the saints Adalbert, Hedwig and Stanislaus in Trent: a history of exclusion; Gionata Brusa and Giulia Gabrielli, Historiae in the South Tyrol: competing influences and historical developments in local chant composition; Stefania Vitale, The office of St Eusebius of Vercelli from the eleventh to the twentieth century: prolegomena to an edition; Abbreviations; Bibliography; Index of primary sources; Index of chants. ISBN 9788875520632 9 788875 520632 > 474